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Fighting Attrition: A Look Inside a Damascus Armour Repair Facility

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By Stijn Mitzer

The following photos were taken during a visit of a Russian journalist to a small armour repair facility in the suburbs of Damascus in June 2017. While already several years old with several of the armoured fighting vehicles pictured likely having been lost to combat damage since the images nevertheless provide an interesting insight into the inner workings of a small Syrian tank workshop.

Even though a job as a mechanic in a conflict is usually a guarantee of relative safety, this particular workshop was unique in that it served both as an armour repair facility and as a defensive structure to stop any rebel incursions from Jobar. In fact, the facility was located (33°32'2"N 36°20'11"E) only some 300 metres away from the actual frontline! Fortunately for the mechanics serving at the facility, no such surprise raids took place before the last pocket of resistance in Jobar was neutralised in March 2018. As a result, the images we discuss here are the rare exception where we get to examine such a workshop while it is still operational.


In the image below, the sad remains of a T-55(A)MV lay in front of a pile of rusty BMP-1 tracks. Having been stripped of most of its components, including nearly all of the Kontakt-1 explosive reactive armour (ERA) tiles on the turret and hull, it appears that this particular T-55 ended its career as a donor vehicle: keeping other vehicles of the same type running, presumably after suffering some type of irreparable damage in combat. Also note the collapsed roof in the background, which really drives home the run-down status of this facility.


Three T-55As still in pristine condition stand guard outside the repair facility. Their good condition is a far cry from the T-55 above or most other T-55s still operational in Syria for that matter. While the vehicles might look ready to head out to the frontline, satellite imagery shows that these tanks were parked in the exact same location from 2015 to early 2018, making it likely they belonged to a resident unit that was tasked with defending the workshop and the area that surrounds it against possible attacks coming from rebel-held Jobar.


Note that the headlights, infrared searchlight and sighting systems are all protected by sandbags in an attempt to protect them from shrapnel from shell or rocket fire landing nearby. As visible on the building behind, the facility came under repeated attacks of small arms and presumably mortar fire, which could inflict serious damage on the otherwise unprotected optical/electrical devices.


Next we see two T-72s that couldn't be more different in the task they fulfill. On the left, a T-72 'Ural' that has been converted into a towing vehicle to haul AFVs that can't move on their own around the facility on the right, a Syrian T-72AV deprived of all its Kontakt-1 explosive reactive armour. This T-72AV is likely operated by a training unit, with the explosive reactive armour removed for use with other tanks serving on the frontline which obviously need it more direly.


The workshop's motor pool quietly gathers dust in one of the storage halls of the facility. Having largely abandoned its aging fleet of Soviet trucks in favour of Russian-delivered GAZ, Ural and KamAZ trucks as well as more reliable and fuel-efficient commercially available vehicles, trucks like the ZIL-131, ZIL-157 and Ural-375 that once formed the backbone of the Syrian Arab Army's vehicle park now rust away in abandoned corners of SyAA bases all throughout Syria.


A SyAA T-55(A)MV has its engine reinstalled after thorough maintenance in the main hall of the armour workshop. Interestingly, while the cannabilised T-55(A)MV earlier in this article has at least some of its ERA tiles still in place, this particular tank was completely stripped of it. This in sharp contrast to the turret of another T-55(A)MV seen further to the rear in the same image, the DIY armour placement of which even saw the installation of ERA tiles on the rear of the turret.

Although the markings on the rear of the tank seen in the second image indicate that the tank once belonged to the 5th Mechanized Division, it is not unplausible that the tank was actually operated by a different unit by the time it entered the workshop for some much needed maintenance.


A BMP-1 is shown undergoing depot-level maintenance, which clearly depicts how cramped the interior of the vehicle is even when the benches for the infantry have been removed. With such a small internal space, it is perhaps unsurprising that the designers of the BMP-1 had to come up with ingenious solutions of where to place the fuel tanks. Unfortunately for the infantry riding inside the BMP, these became the compartments in between the benches and the rear doors respectively. With APCs and IFVs capable of carrying infantry in high demand and with the BMP-1's ruggedness allowing long periods on end of maintenance neglect and abuse on the battlefield, depot-level maintenance must be a rarity for any BMP-1 in Syrian service.


The turret of a T-55(A)MV likely taken from the hull seen in the above image undergoes internal maintenance. Equipped with an advanced fire-control system and some even with an indigenous thermal imaging device, one could argue that the T-55(A)MV presents a more potent adversary than the early-generation T-72 variants (T-72 'Ural', T-72M and T-72M1 respectively) also in Syrian service.

The T-55(A)MV was also the only tank in Syrian service confirmed to be equipped with gun-launched anti-tank guided missiles (GLATGMs) in the form of the 9M117M missile, at least until the delivery of more advanced T-72B variants and T-90s (which in Syrian service are equipped with the 9M119 Svir GLATGM) in 2015.

Another feature of the T-55(A)MV is an extensive array of Kontakt-1 ERA tiles on its turret, hull and sideskirts. Although most remaining operational tanks of this type still have the original configuration, this particular tank had all of its ERA reinstalled in a different fashion. Although this DIY placement certainly looks less professional than the original one, it likely doesn't much effect the protection value that these ERA tiles bring. Also note the row of T-72 roadwheels lined up against the wall just behind the turret.


A collection of tires and truck engines gathers dust in an abandoned corner of the facility, suggesting most are never to be used again.


A battered T-72AV receives some much-needed attention to the wrangled flaps that used to hold the Kontakt-1 ERA-equipped side skirts, which have already fallen off this vehicle. Due to their heavy usage, many T-72AVs were soon left without these side skirts. Indeed, this was one of the more common complaints of tankers of the Republican Guard. One hit by an RPG often results in the whole side skirt falling off, leaving the sides of the tank dangerously exposed to enemy RPG fire. As a simple measure to improve the turret armour, this tank received a bucket of welded metal bars that both acts as slat armour and allows for the stowage of sandbags or other materials to further increase the armour protection.


A mechanic works on the 300 horsepower UTD-20 engine of a BMP-1. With Syria's armoured forces having been engaged in continuous fighting since 2012, there is often little time to undertake crucial repairs, in turn leading to a higher rate of breakdowns in the field. Indeed, regular maintenance of vehicles and equipment has proven to be an overlooked factor in the Syrian Civil War, or in almost any conflict for that matter. As with any sophisticated equipment, components have to be regularly inspected, tested, repaired or even replaced. Considering these facts, the Russian deliveries of more dated equipment like T-62M(Vs) and BRM-1(Ks) is more sensible than delivering more advanced equipment that needs to be more regularly maintained (which also drains manpower) to remain combat efficient.


Stay tuned for articles covering the Syrian Arab Army's major tank and artillery repair workshops in Hama Governorate in the near future!

 
All photos courtesy of Mikhail Voskresensky of Sputnik.

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The Victory Day Parade That Everyone Forgot

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By Stijn Mitzer
 
Transnistria, or the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR) as it is officially called, is a breakaway state situated between Moldova and Ukraine that has largely escaped the world's attention ever since its self-proclaimed independence as a Soviet republic in 1990 and subsequent violent secession from Moldova in 1992. Despite having ended armed conflict in 1992, the situation in Transnistria remains just as complicated as it was in the 1990s, with the ephemeral nation wishing to join the Russian Federation while continuing to remain heavily reliant on Moldova for exporting the limited produce its economy outputs.
 
Although currently only recognized by Abkhazia, South Ossetia and (what's left of) Artsakh, themselves also unrecognised republics, Transnistria functions as a de-facto state with its own army, air arm and even its own arms industry. Transnistria is in essence still a Soviet Socialist Republic, as such continuing to make use of the hammer and sickle in its flag – even retaining the KGB as its main security agency. Russia still maintains a limited military presence in Transnistria, its soldiers officially on a peacekeeping mission.
 
In 2020, due to the COVID-19 pandemic, Victory Day celebrations marking the 75th anniversary of the end of the Second World War were postponed, with President Krasnoselsky officially cancelling the Victory Day parade on the 21th April. Then, on the 24th of June, the day of the Moscow Victory Day Parade, it was announced that the parade would be held on Republic Day, timed also with the country's 30th anniversary on the 2nd of September.
 

Though Transnistria's military parades are mostly repetitive in what type of equipment gets showcased, this is precisely what makes them so interesting. While most military parades are grand spectacles that more often than not include the latest type of weaponry developed or acquired by that country, the PMR, unable to replace its military inventory through conventional means, instead showcases a unique blend of elusive AFVs of Soviet manufacture mixed with a variety of DIY equipment.
 
How its exotic composition of equipment and vehicles came to be is the result of a long and complicated process, one dating back to just after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. When the Soviet Union dissolved, much of the personnel and their associated weaponry which once made up its military became subordinate to the newly established states they were located in. While this process was often troubled by the departure of many ethnic Russians stationed outside of the former Russian Soviet Republic, this wasn't the only problem encountered by the Soviet 14th Army stationed in Transnistria.
 
 
The 14th Army was in fact located in Ukraine, Moldova and the breakaway state of Transnistria, with units of the 14th Army becoming subordinate to either Ukraine, Moldova, Russia, or to the newly formed Transnistrian republic. During Moldova's 1992 invasion into what according to the Moldovan government was and still is Moldovan territory, large quantities of weaponry and ammunition from the Soviet 14th Army were taken over by Transnistrian locals to repel Moldova's attempt at bringing back Trasnistria under its own control, leading to a brief but intense conflict until a ceasefire was declared four months later.
 
When Transnistria took control over most of the weapons storage depots located on its territory, it inherited large amounts of highly specialised vehicles while being left without any significant numbers of (self-propelled) artillery or infantry fighting vehicles (IFVs). The limited amount of such equipment that was present in Transnistria was returned to Russia after the conclusion of hostilities, leaving the PMR with an extensive arsenal of engineering vehicles only in service with a few countries in the world, while being almost completely deprived of equipment such as artillery and IFVs. An unrecognised republic in Eastern Europe, rare engineering vehicles, a variety of DIY equipment; all the ingredients needed for a highly interesting parade!

 
This year's parade was opened by the Guard of Honor, which carried a copy of the flag of the 150th Idritsa-Berlin Order of Kutuzov 2nd Class Motor Rifle Division, whose soldiers rose the Soviet flag over the Reichstag during the Battle for Berlin on the 2nd of May, 1945. Also carried were the flags of Pridnestrovie and the Russian Federation, with whom the former still hopes to unify.
 
 
Looking over the more than 1200 army and law enforcement troops taking part in the parade was much of the PMR's leadership, including President Vadim Krasnoselsky, Minister of Defence Oleg Obruchkov and the first President of Transnistria Igor Smirnov (1991-2011). It doesn't take a rocket scientist to identify the Soviet origins of the republic in the photo below. It should thus come as a surprise that President Krasnoselsky's personal views contrast sharply with that of any person longing to 'the good old days of the Soviet Union', calling the Great October Socialist Revolution a "catastrophe", referring to Bolsheviks as "traitors" and proposing honouring Imperial Russian leaders rather than Soviet leaders. He has also come out as a monarchist, calling Soviet-era symbols irrelevant, and that Transnistria as a result should not be viewed as a fragment of the USSR. As you might imagine at this point, this nation is very interesting to analyse.
 

Left: Minister of Defence Major General Oleg Obruchkov, Middle: Current President Vadim Krasnoselsky, Right: First President of Transnistria Igor Smirnov

Addressing the participants and citizens watching the parade, President Krasnoselsky stated the following. 
 

''I would like to emphasize that it [COVID-19] slowed down, but did not stop the development of the republic. We continue to build and modernize social infrastructure, attract investors, and make our Transnistria modern. Time has shown that any difficulties can only be overcome together. The unity, solidarity, courage of our people helped to withstand and win the Great Patriotic War, and in the early 1990s - to create and defend the Transnistrian state, - said the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces. - We, Pridnestrovians, are a wise people who knows how important and important memory is, the continuity of generations. Remembering the past, creating the present, we together build our future on our land and according to our laws. So it was, so it will be. On this day, I express the warmest words of gratitude to the Russian Federation. Thank you for fraternal friendship, support and peace."

 
Those present honoured the victims of the Second World War and the 1992 Transnistria War with a minute's silence.
 

Beginning in August this year, practice runs for the parade were held on the taxiways of Tiraspol airbase, which is also home to Transnistria's small army aviation unit (which will be covered in a future article on this blog). Footage of the soldiers and vehicles in training in preparation for the parade can be viewed here, here and here. The parade can be watched in its entirety here.


Minister of Defence Oleg Obruchkov salutes the parading troops from a UAZ-469. These off-road vehicles have been 'upgraded' with new hubcaps, which do not entirely fit the nostalgic looks of the UAZ-469.

 
As is the standard in military processions of many post-Soviet states, the infantry segment featured two columns of marching female troops as well.
 
 
Honourary units wielding Soviet SKS semi-automatic carbines and AK-74 assault rifles stand in attention as troops march on Suvorov Square. The Transnistrian military is almost entirely equipped with AK-74, AKS-74 and AK-74M assault rifles, and SKS carbines primarily serve in the hands of ceremonial guards.



An overview of the parading troops, including motostrelki (mechanised infantry), paratroopers belonging to Transnistria's Airborne Forces (VDV), special forces, Dniester rapid reaction forces, Border Guards and troops from the Ministry of Interior.
 

As you might already have noticed, the uniforms of the Transnistrian Army are indiscernible from those of the Russian Army. Both the digital flora and gorka uniform suits are currently in use. Also note the small Transnistrian velcro shoulder patches.

 
Like most other post-Soviet states, Transnistria still fields Airborne Forces (more commonly known as VDV), which can be seen wielding AKS-74 assault rifles in the below photo. Although trained to be deployed from the air arm's An-2 aircraft and Mi-8 helicopters, it is likely that most would be utilised as ground forces should any conflict arise between Transnistria and Moldova.


Troops belonging to the Special Rapid Response Unit (SOBR), who act as an rapid-reaction military force available to the regular police in case of emergencies. These are another inheritance of the Soviet era.


Well-equipped peacekeeping forces (MC = миротворческих сил [peacekeeping forces]) march with AK-74Ms in their hands. As Transnistria remains an unrecognised state, the question of where these peacekeepers would deploy is perhaps left unanswered.


Officers of the Ministry of Defence and cadets of the Military and Tiraspol Law Institute show off their flashy uniforms and typical Soviet military caps.


A ceremonial T-34/85 leads the vehicle segment of the parade, rumbling past a Kebab shop in the background. Although the aim of displaying these tanks in parades is solely to pay tribute to Second World War veterans, it should be mentioned that the T-34/85 remains in active service with nations like Yemen and North Korea. More on the T-34's service and upgrades performed on them in North Korea can be read in our book!


The crew of the T-34/85 displays the flag of the 79th Guards Rifle Division, which took part in operations along the Dniester in Transnistria in 1943 and continued to serve postwar as part of the Group of Soviet Forces in Germany until being disbanded in Samarkand, Uzbekistan in 1992. Also note the five marks of excellence painted on the barrel of the tank.

 
The T-34/85 was followed by more ceremonial relics such as BM-13 'Katyusha' multiple rocket launchers fitted with 132mm rockets, YaG-6 trucks towing 76mm ZIS-3 field-guns and GAZ-67 off-road vehicles. Note that like so many Soviet vehicles supposed to be from World War II, these are actually more modern trucks modified to resemble their World War II ancestors. In the case of the BM-13, a post-war variant based on the ZIL-157 truck.

 
Sitting inside the trucks were units in World War II uniforms wielding PPSh-41s and what appears to be a single PPD-34/38 submachine gun. Closer inspection of the submachine guns actually reveal them to be fakes, but who really cares?


Also included in the parade was a U.S. 'Army' Willys MB 'jeep' and a motorcycle and sidecar combination resembling those used by Nazi Germany in World War II, equipped with a faux MG42 machine gun.

 
Although relegated to the annals of history by much of the world's militaries, motorcycle and sidecar combinations still play a role in the Transnistrian military, and occasionally feature in exercises as well, confirming their operational status. The gunner in the sidecar is armed with a 5.45mm RPK-74M light machine gun.
 

The next entry to the parade consisted of several indigenous buggies armed with a single 7.62mm PKT machine gun taken from an armoured vehicle. These unarmoured buggies rely on their small silhouette and speed to avoid being hit, and see service with Transnistria's special forces.

 
More variations of these buggies exist, most of them armed with a single light machine gun (usually a 7.62 PK(M) or in the case of the vehicle below, a 5.45mm RPK-74). Even an amphibious variant exists!
 

A more serious attempt at coming up with an indigenous solution for a light scout vehicle has been the Lada Niva 4x4, which is readily available on the commercial market and easy to convert to the role as a light scout vehicle akin to the Land Rover Defender. In Transnistrian service they're also used as towing vehicles for light mortars.


Back to the parade, where two types of BTRs had meanwhile rolled onto the parade ground. First off is the R-145BM, a turret-less command vehicle based on the chassis of the BTR-60. The R-145BM is fitted with a collapsible frame antenna, a high telescopic mast and five sets of radios among other specialised equipment.
 

 
Directly following these, the BTR-70 APC, which constitutes the main APC of the Transnistrian Army. Nonetheless, the older BTR-60 also continues to see active service.
 
 
Those with watchful eyes may have noticed that in one of the rows of BTRs there were six vehicles, while in the other one there were only five. Careful study of the footage shows that one of the BTR-70s left the formation just before reaching the main stage followed by a plume of smoke, luckily just out of view for most of the spectators.
 
 
The imposing looks of the T-64BV, which is the only tank to serve with the Transnistrian army. The T-64 saw use during the 1992 Transnistrian War, when several were taken out by Moldovan forces. As Moldova currently doesn't operate any tanks of its own, any tank battles in a future conflict are essentially ruled out.
 
 
These were followed by IRMs, UR-77s, BMP-2s, 9P148 Konkurs' arguably the most interesting segment of the parade.
 
 
With only a small number were ever produced, the IRM 'Zhuk' remains one of the most elusive armoured fighting vehicles to have served with the Soviet Army. Designed as a combat engineering vehicle for land and river reconnaissance, the IRM is equipped with a host of specialised equipment, including an echo depth finder with sonar transducers, mine detectors, an ice drill, two arms for detecting mines, two retractable propellers to propel and steer itself in the water and two cases with 16 9M39 rocket engines for getting out of mud. Armament consists of a 7.62 mm PKT machine gun fitted in a small turret for self-defence at close range. The irony of the IRM is that Transnistria, despite lacking in common equipment fielded by almost every country, possesses the most specialised vehicle for river-crossing in Europe. 
 
 
Directly behind, UR-77 mine-clearing vehicles followed. This vehicle uses a mine-clearing line charge to clear a safe path for friendly units to advance through, but is perhaps best known for its destructive role in the Syrian Civil War, where they were used to clear whole city blocks of buildings to flush out their defenders. In Transnistria, finding a modern day use for the UR-77 is harder than one might think.
 

Looming behind the UR-77s, the 9P148 'Konkurs' anti-tank guided missile (ATGM) carrier capable of using both the older 9M111 ATGM (seen carried) and the more capable 9M113 ATGM. These vehicles saw use on the side of Armenia as recently as 2020 during the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, and remain potent weapon systems when used under the right circumstances.
 

Next up was a newcomer to Transnistrian parades, though not an entirely unexpected one. Just a small number of BMP-2 infantry fighting vehicles (IFVs) are believed to be in service with the Transnistrian military. Interestingly, the BMP-2s did not feature in the parade trainings, and appear to have been last minute additions to the actual parade.
 
 
The BTRG-127 'Bumblebee' has been a notable absentee from this year's military parade. First entering service in 2016, this unique armoured personnel carrier (APC) is based on the Soviet GMZ-3 minelayer, which was locally converted to house a a large infantry compartment in place of the minelaying equipment and a gunner position equipped with a single 12.7mm Afanasev A-12.7 machine gun. Our article on the BTRG-127 'Bumblebee' can be read here.
 

Another notable absentee that contrary to the BTRG-127 was present in earlier parades is the BMP-1KSh command and staff variant of the BMP-1. The 73mm 2A28 Grom was replaced with a 10m long telescopic mast and TNA-3 gyroscopic navigation device, additional radios as well as telegraph and telephone equipment, generators and antennas. As a result of this equipment, the turret was fixed in place.
 
 
Another rare type of vehicle: the GT-MU multi-purpose armoured vehicle. The GT-MU's appearance in the world today is so rare that only few know about its existence. It nonetheless served as the base platform for several types of highly specialised variants, including the SPR-1 mobile jammer. 
 
Designed as a versatile platform from the onset, Transnistria set on to convert several GT-MUs that were excess to requirements to the roles of command and observation, and even as improvised tank destroyers, more on which can be read here
 
 
GAZ-66 trucks and UAZ-452 off-road vans carry the same 120mm 120-PM-38/43 mortars.
 
 
Various types of towed anti-aircraft and anti-tank guns formed the tail end of the military part of the parade, like the 23mm ZU-23 anti-aircraft gun towed by a ZiL-131 truck below.  
 
 
Transistria might very well be the last European user of the 14.5mm ZPU-4 anti-aircraft gun.

 
A 85mm D-44 divisional gun is being towed by a Ural-375D. The lackluster armour penetration capabilities of this system are mitigated by the fact that Moldova doesn't operate any armour to begin with.

 
A MT-LB auxiliary armored tracked vehicle carries a 100mm MT-12 'Rapira' anti-tank gun, which certainly is a step up in capabilities compared to the 85mm D-44 seen above. The HEAT rounds fired by the MT-12 can pentrate up to 400mm of armour. In comparison, the BMD-1's armour protection is only 33mm at its thickest point, with much of the hull covered by 15mm of armour plating or less.

 
A 57mm AZP S-60 anti-aircraft gun, which continues to see service in the militaries of both Transnistria and Moldova. In an effort to improve the mobility of the system in the ground-to-ground role, the latter has even mounted them on ZiL-135 trucks that once housed the (since dismantled) 220mm BM-27 MRL systems.

 
The 100mm KS-19 is the heaviest anti-aircraft gun in the inventory of Transnistrian military, but due to a lack of both towed and self-propelled artillery in its inventory, most are employed as conventional artillery since the 1992 war instead. Transnistria is certainly not the only country to have repurposed these ancient guns for this role, with countries Syria and Armenia following suit. Interestingly, Iran has instead focused on increasing their effectiveness in their original role by pairing them to radar and electro-optical devices, and by fitting them with an automated loading system.


The 'Pribor-1' multiple rocket launcher (MRL) closed off this year's vehicle section of the parade. This MRL (referred to as 'Pribor' for the plant which produced it but likely offically known as 'S1T' or '1ST') combines a ZiL-131 truck with an indigenous launching erector system for 122mm rockets similar in operation to that of the BM-21. However, the biggest difference is a 50% reduction in the total rockets the vehicle can fire in one salvo, from 40 on the BM-21 to just 20 on the Pribor-1.


The Pribor-1 is now to be superseded by the more capable Pribor-2 (offically known as 'S2T' or '2ST'), which was another notable absentee during the parade. As opposed to the Pribor-1's 20 launching tubes, the Pribor-2 can fire the impressive amount of 48 122mm rockets in one salvo. Based on a commercially available KAMAZ-4310, the Pribor-2 stands out compared to other MRL designs for its interesting arrangement of 4x12 122mm rockets and backwards installed launch tubes. Our article on the Pribor-2 can be read here.


The celebrations were concluded with ceremonial gunfire by eight 85mm D-44 anti-tank guns, blasting loud bangs and sparks throughout the sky over Tiraspol.


Transistria's Victory Day parade is certainly a little less glamorous than contemporary parades elsewhere, but what it lacks in glamour it all the more makes up for in the colourful composition of the military hardware it parades. Whether Moldova and Transnistria will ever be able to move beyond the status quo is unknown, but in the writer's opinion, this tradition should certainly survive.

 
[1]  В столице состоялся парад в честь 30-летия республики и 75-летия Победы gov-pmr.org/item/18429
 
 
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Inside the Rebel Wave of Smash N’ Grab Raids That Plagued Idlib

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By Stijn Mitzer

A video uploaded by the National Front for Liberation shows off spectacular drone footage as fighters of the National Front for Liberation (NLF) and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) fight their way to the regime-held town of Abu Dafna located to the northeast of Maarat al-Numan, Idlib Governorate, on the 19th of January 2020. The attack offers a glimpse into the attacks that government forces have been facing ever since launching the Idlib offensive in April 2019, and clearly shows some of the strengths and weaknesses of the parties involved during the battle. This video doesn't offer the whole story however, and because the early stages of this attack are documented extremely well, we will attempt to break down the footage released and paint a clearer picture of these attacks using Abu Dafna as an example.

But before going into detail about the actual battle itself, it is important to understand the background of similar 'local overmatch/smash and grab' attacks mostly taking place in Idlib and to a lesser extent, West Aleppo. Since years incapable of directly challenging government forces and the aerial superiority they bring with them, Idlib's rebel and jihadist groups (henceforth both referred to as rebels) instead rely on a series of hit-and-run attacks to help them maintain the status quo. By launching coordinated attacks on exposed flanks of government-held territory, rebels are able to seriously influence the situation on the ground by making every town captured by the regime a potential (local) catastrophe for the forces now tasked with defending it.

While the smash and grab attacks don't lead to any lasting territorial (re)gains as a rule, the goals of these mini-offensives are in fact different from those of more conventional offensives that aim to neutralise an enemy force or capture a contested area:

- With no real prospect of holding any town in the face of heavy artillery bombardments and airstrikes without suffering extensive losses or pouring precious resources and manpower into constructing fortifications and tunnels, putting up a fight for every town only to lose it with the loss of most of its defenders is a 'luxury' rebels are no longer able to afford, and thus not a viable tactic for anti-Assad forces in Idlib. In this regard, it makes perfect sense for rebel factions to preserve their manpower for later use in hit-and-run tactics that have the potential to inflict heavy casualties among regime forces, stall its future offensives and capture weaponry and ammunition with much fewer casualties in return.

- As recently captured towns often serve as the vantage point from which new government offensives are launched, routing the soldiers who occupy it means that any planned government offensive in that area has to abandoned until its soldiers recapture the lost ground, establish new defence positions and restock weaponry and supplies. While this merely accomplishes stalling regime forces rather than outright defeating them, the prospect of victory for rebel forces is now perhaps more distant than it has ever been, with the situation on the ground hugely in favour of the Syrian government. With no other front requiring a major troop buildup to prevent it from falling as was common during earlier stages of the war, the Syrian regime is currently in a position where it can comfortably commit most of its forces to Idlib until victory is achieved or a political settlement is reached. With President Bashar al-Assad having vowed to liberate ''Every Inch of Syria from Terrorism'' on multiple occasions, an attempt at the former scenario seems increasingly likely.

- As the tide of the war slowly shifted in favour of the regime, rebel forces lost theoffensive posture many groups managed to cling on to for much of the war. With the rebels everywhere on the defensive, Idlib has largely been cut off from the largest supplier of weaponry and ammunition to factions opposing the Syrian government: The Syrian Arab Army. The latter's failure redistribute, protect, or at least destroy major arms depots like Ayyash ensured a seemingly endless supply of vehicles, weaponry and ammunition to opposing forces in Syria. Nowadays mostly relying on small batches of munitions purchased on the black market or received from foreign powers, the only way for rebels in Idlib to stock up on heavier equipment like tanks is through smash and grab attacks on poorly defended but overstocked regime positions. One such raid on a SyAA position near Barsah, some four kilometres away from Abu Dafna, in mid-January this year yielded one T-62, two BRM-1(K)s, one BMP-1, two anti-tank guided missile (ATGM) launchers and missiles amongst various other spoils. [1] [2] Although a far cry from earlier heavy-arms hauls like Brigade 93, which rewarded its capturers with at least 32 T-55 tanks, the spoils gained in such attacks are apparently enough to outweigh any losses inevitably taken. [3]


While on full display in Idlib, the Idlibi 'local overmatch/smash and grab' are anything but new to the Syrian conflict.Indeed, these tactics are remarkably similar to those employed by the Islamic State, which had to defend large swathes of seemingly indefensible desert territory in Central Syria.As IS lacked the manpower to properly defend each frontline of its shrinking territory,it instead deployed small numbers of local fighters that conducted stalling tactics until reinforcements arrived.By allowing its opponents to slowly advance, often encountering only symbolic resistance,it could muster a force large enough to beat back the offensive. Often relying on the element of surprise to achieve maximum effectiveness, IS would appear seemingly out of nowhere, laying ambushes and sending in VBIEDs in the ensuing confusion, usually then followed up by a (counter)offensive of its own to revert all gains made and even take a shot at pushing through the routing enemies' defences, as displayed in the government's disastrous Tabqa offensive in 2016. [4]

Perhaps even more valuable is the comparison withthe Islamic State's defence of the towns and villages surrounding Azaz near the Turkish border during the ill-fated Northern Aleppo offensive in March-June 2016. Faced with a U.S.-equipped force of Free Syrian Army (FSA) fighters supported by Turkish artillery and U.S. close air support, IS fighters undertook organised retreats during the day, only to return to the same area under the cover of darkness at night. These surprise raids often caught FSA fighters completely unaware, with significant losses in manpower and equipment as a result. [5] Although IS would lose control of this region as a result of a joint FSA-Turkish offensive launched in September the same year, it not only managed to stall and repel the earlier offensive launched against them in March, but its own counteroffensive nearly wiped out the FSA's foothold in this part of Syria.


The major obstacle for any 'local overmatch/smash and grab' attack are precision-guided bombs and missiles wrecking havoc from above. While this proved to be less of a problem for the small bands of Islamic State fighters roaming through Azaz at night, the attacks in Idlib - almost always carried out during daytime - usually see the deployment of technicals, armoured personnel carriers (APCs) and sometimes tanks, which present an easy target for preying eyes in the sky. As they are doing so, the RuAF is often already present over the battlefield, observing and later striking the attackers with its unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and aircraft. These precision airstrikes proved to be decisive in determining the outcome of several 'smash and grab' raids already. [6] In a raid on the village of Hamamiyat, the entire convoy tasked with capturing it got annihilated by Russian bombs, leading to the loss of three T-55-based APCs, five technicals and a bulldozer, with human casualties undoubtedly very severe. [7] In mid-February this year, an entire rebel armoured convoy on the offensive near Miznaz, West Aleppo met the same fate, with devastating results. [8]


Another obstacle these attacks usually have a fair chance of running into are strategically placed mines or small clusters of mines placed on roads to block off avenues of approach. In addition to forcing rebel vehicles to drive around them (which for technicals often is an impossible feat in the muddy fields of Idlib), they have occassionally taken out vehicles as well, such as the ACV-15 APC seen below (mines are marked by black squares).


In its normal configuration, a 'smash and grab' raid consists of several squads of inghimasi (shock troops) carried to the frontline in one or more T-55/T-62-based APCs and up-armoured technicals that have also been converted to APCs. In typical fashion, most attacks are preluded by a barrage of artillery and rocket fire, with VBIEDs sometimes preceding the attack to soften up enemy defences. With no effective means to counter or at least disrupt Russian airpower, the rebels' best defence against bombs is simply bad weather preventing fighter-bombers from effectively operating in the skies of Idlib, as was the case during the attack on Abu Dafna.

This leads us to the attack depicted in the video, one in the series that ended up resulting in high losses for the rebels (said to have included the death of at least 20 fighters and the destruction of numerous vehicles) and literally no spoils captured. The casualties among regime forces defending the town are believed to have amounted to roughly a dozen. Its poor results set aside, the footage gives us a great insight into the development of the attack.

The strength of the rebels during the attack on Abu Dafna, jointly conducted by the NLF, HTS and Incite The Believers Operations Room, is wholly unknown. As indicated by footage shot by Syrian state television after the conclusion of the attack, rebels appear to have mounted their attack on the town from two different approaches, only one of which would even make it to Abu Dafna itself (which is the one followed by the drone).

The strength of the government forces located in and around Abu Dafna is similarly unknown, but at least 36 soldiers could be seen fleeing from one defensive position alone. This, combined with the presence of five tanks, six BMP-1s and a single ZSU-23 in and around the town, makes it likely that sizeable contingent was indeed present, likely in preparation for a future offensive in this area or because a fresh unit had just rotated into the town.


The attack was preluded by a barrage of rocket fire on defensive positions around the town. At least ten elephant rockets (popularly known as thicc grads, which pair a standard artillery rocket with a much larger warhead) would be used in addition to regular artillery to pound government positions.

 
The first clue of an impending attack occurs at 0:14, when an artillery round lands some 150 metres away from the parked AFVs, and even closer to a group of soldiers walking down the road. Although one would expect that this would have alerted regime forces further inside Abu Dafna, these later appear to be caught completely unpreprared for the attack on the town.


The next shot, starting at 0:19, shows one of the attacking fighters preparing for battle. In an effort to help friendly forces distinguish the assaulting fighters from defending government forces, the first group wore arm bands identifying them as friendlies. In addition to being equipped with a GoPro camera, this fighter wears a knit cap from the Dutch Hardware store-chain GAMMA.


Next is the departure of the T-55-based APC, which has been converted to hold an open-topped armoured cabin instead of the turret, mirroring developments in several other nations that have begun converting tanks to APCs. Apparently well received by its operators, nearly all of the Idlib rebels' T-55 and T-62 tanks (and at least a single T-72AV) would be sacrificed for the conversion to APC, a process that quickly became standardised. This process would entail the installation of a dozer blade and the removal of the turret, with the resulting cabin space large enough to hold roughly five occupants, their weaponry and ammunition and often a pintle-mounted 12.7mm DShK heavy machine gun. Most vehicles also received additional armour consisting of spaced and slat armour, and sometimes even a roof to shelter its occupants from shell fragments and the environment.

 
In addition to the T-55-based APC, rebel forces used several other converted vehicles in the attack on Abu Dafna, including a number of up-armoured Toyotas modified to the role as DIY APC. While outwardly largely similar to any other Toyota truck modified as troop transport, these vehicles are in fact equipped with an armoured cabin on the rear of the vehicle, bulletproof windows and armoured plating, providing near all-round protection against small arms fire and shell fragments. A more detailed look of one of such vehicles be seen here.
 
 
A more advanced iteration of these vehicles has meanwhile entered service as the al-Buraq APC (Buraq refers to a mythical creature in Islamic tradition said to have been the transport for prophets). Several improvements over the earlier iteration are apparent, and its more professional look is readily appreciated. In common with the previous version, al-Buraq APCs feature a cabin over the body of the vehicle, allowing for the carriage of several fighters. These vehicles are currently entering service in large numbers with several Idlibi rebel factions and even with HTS' paramilitary police force.


0:35 begins with the 'Storming Battalion's' march to the combat zone. Clearly aware that their exploits are being recorded by a drone, some fighters smile for the camera and raise their index fingers as a symbol of Tawhid, which represents monotheism and is often (incorrectly) assumed to be a gesture exclusive to fighters of the Islamic State. The T-55-based APC is followed by the two up-armoured Toyota APCs, which rely on the T-55 to attract the brunt of the enemies' fire. 
 


A top-down view of the T-55 APC shows that a lack of space forces two of the fighters to sit on the engine deck rather than inside the armoured structure. As the newly added side skirts severely limit the driver's view, he can be seen sticking his head out to help him navigate the terrain. Although the chances of the driver getting hit by small arms fire are extremely small, any well-trained sniper team would likely have little problems neutralising him as he drives straight towards an enemy position. This would have stopped the APC dead in its tracks, making it an easy target for (anti-)tank fire or RPGs.


Unfortunately for the attackers, the smoke plumes created by the T-55's diesel engine are quickly carried away by the wind to the wrong side, thus offering little protection to the Toyotas. Before the installation of smoke grenade launchers on later generation (or upgraded early generation) Soviet T-series of tanks, older models already possessed the ability to lay down a smoke screen by injecting vaporised diesel fuel into the exhaust system.

 
Apart from the 'thicc grads', several other means of fire support were used in this battle, including mortars, a 106mm M40 recoilless rifle (RCL) and several technicals with a range of different anti-aircraft guns used in the fire-support role. Curiously, the field of view from the ZU-23 gunner's perspective was blurred in the video.  
 


1:22 shows the impact of the 'thicc grads' raining down on the town. It does not appear to have hit any structures actually used in its defence. Of course, using an oversized warhead on a 122mm rocket, the fact that one actually landed in the town itself is already a minor miracle.


The long march towards the first of many hurdles to clear. The fact that the rebels successfully managed to advance along a straight road without meeting any serious resistance or obstacles raises serious questions about the competence of at least some of the defenders. The presence of a single ATGM launcher could potentially have stopped the assault dead in its tracks before it even began, especially when employed in combination with anti-tank mines placed on and along the road, which would have forced the APC to slow down and drive around them (potentially disabling it by the mines placed next to the road), or have one of its occupants get out and push the mines to the side to allow the APCs to continue their advance.
 
 
As the rebels further advance along the road, the T-55-based APC is fired upon by a defensive emplacement on the edge of town. Although these rounds are unlikely to penetrate the newly added armoured structure protecting the occupants, and certainly won't penetrate the hull armour, the two fighters sitting on the engine deck have to duck for cover in order not to get hit. 
 
In response to the bullets flying past, the gunner of the APC returns the gesture to the source of the fire in an effort to pin the enemy gunner down, thus offering some degree of protection to the more vulnerable Toyota-based APCs to the rear, which by now are also benefitting from the smoke emitted from the T-55's engine.
 
 
At this point the T-55-based APC has already made it 650 metres down the straight road completely unharmed. While the apparent lack of an ATGM launcher and the failure to mine the road prevented the defenders from doing serious harm to the vehicle, it is now entering RPG range, and one of the defenders indeed fires a single RPG at the vehicle, which misses.
 
The placement of mines also left much to desire, as they were placed too close to the defence position and could be easily avoided by the T-55-based APC simply by driving around them, and by the Toyotas by stopping in front of them and unloading their passengers there (which was already close enough to the defensive positon anyway). Note the mines in the lower left corner, which should have been deployed much further down the road, preferably spaced 100 metres apart.

 
The sight of an armoured behemoth slowly closing in on their position and the one RPG targeting it missing must have demoralised the defending regime forces to such an extent that they saw no other option but to abandon their positions and run away on foot. Over thirty soldiers fled, ironically outnumbering the number of attackers. The fact that these soldiers almost immediately fled rather than standing their ground and fighting off the attackers from the high ground says much about their training and motivation.
 

 
2:12 shows the fighters disembarking while the Toyotas are still being fired upon from the persisent heavy machine gunner on the edge of town (which would be the least of their worries as will soon become evident). Note that the fighters all walk in the track marks left behind by the T-55-based APC, where they can be sure no landmines are located. An impressive 11 fighters disembark from one Toyota alone, the same number that can be transported by an M113!


The extremely poor placement of mines is again clearly evident here, with the T-55-based APC simply having driven around them to go to the same place it wanted to go to. Because the T-55-based APC acts as a transport vehicle rather than an infantry fighting vehicle that can fight alongside the troops it just delivered to the frontline, the vehicle stops its advance here and isn't seen again throughout the rest of the video.


The 30+ soldiers that manned the defensive position flee along with the BMP-1 IFV. They aren't seen again throughout the duration of the video, likely indicating that they fled deeper into the town than the rebels managed to advance.


Rebel fighters meanwhile arrived at the now abandoned defence fortification that was meant to stop them in the first place.

 
A T-72 'Ural' engages rebel forces approaching the town. Ironically or tragically depending on your perspective a fleeing soldier that sought to use its arrival as an opportunity for escape is caught in the blast of the 125mm 2A46 cannon, of course much to his own fault. The targets that the T-72 is engaging are actually the two Toyota-based APCs, which failed to make it out in time, with devastating results.


Regime forces continue their retreat further into the town. Had the defenders established a second defensive line closer to the first one, they could have fallen back to their secondary positions while still holding on to the edge of town, in turn averting deadly house to house combat by preventing the enemy's entry into the town.


This drone footage gives a good view of the limited visibility during the battle, which surely played into the advantage of the rebels. Also note the berms erected around the edge of town, which would have prevented the attackers from using the many trees and bushes here as cover for their advance had the defenders committed to holding their position.


The crew of a ZSU-23-4 SPAAG stationed in the town decides it has had enough and flees the scene. In danger of being outflanked and with its field of fire severely limited by the abundance of buildings and vegetation, this was probably a wise decision. Although the position of this vehicle during the earlier stages of the attack is unknown, had this vehicle been deployed in an effective position near outpost covering the main road leading into Abu Dafna, its four 23mm cannons could have covered much of the approaches used by the forces storming the town.

 


A soldier is narrowly missed by an RPG grenade that was aimed at the T-72 tank stationed just in front of him.


Unlike the ZSU-23, the T-72 holds its position at the edge of town and even moves forwards to give the gunner a better firing position for his next shot. When it moves backwards again, rebels (which can be seen below while entering a house under construction in the lower left corner) are already close to outflanking the tank. The soldier just right of the house unintentionally walks straight into the view of the rebels, and is shot.


As the T-72 reverts back into town, a wounded soldier is dragged away to safety by his comrade, putting himself at great risk of getting shot as well by the rebels that meanwhile took positions in the unfinished building and vineyards south of the tank.

 
At 3:53 a rebel fighter attempts to break the resistance of the T-72's persistent crew by firing an RPG at it. Although it's unknown whether the RPG hit actually disabled the tank or simply convinced the crew that further resistance was futile, the entire crew appears to have made it out alive, and can be seen running towards their comrades further into the town. Although it can be argued that the crew would have been better off retreating earlier along with their tank, the fact that they actually held their position and offered resistance as opposed to the 30+ soldiers who ran away at first sight of the enemy actually warrants some credit. 

The footage cuts after this, presumably because the drone got shot down or more likely, because the battle turned in favour of the defenders from this point on. 


Footage shot by Syrian state television shows the aftermath of the attack, including some of the vehicles destroyed during their advance towards Abu Dafna. Also seen again are the up-armoured Toyota-based APCs, one of which was appears to have been completely wrecked by a 125mm tank round fired from the T-72 that took up position in the town, and in doing so smartly covered the approach of the attack covered in this article.


Although not seen during the attack itself, the remains of two more disabled Toyota pickup trucks that were converted to APCs can also be seen.


More interesting however are the remains of what appears to be an improvised armoured fighting vehicle, as this destroyed vehicle is in fact one of at least three highly modified BTR-60 APCs seen undergoing modifications in early January this year.

While most factions have so far refrained from deploying BTR-60s in any serious numbers, rebels in Idlib are meanwhile forced to make the most out of their badly depleted inventory of armoured fighting vehicles, as several of its T-55/T-62-based APCs have already been lost to anti-tank fire, Russian precision-guided munitions or simply due to being abandoned in the field.

This particular BTR-60 was upgraded by the addition of slat armour around the body of the vehicle, rubber pannels added to cover the weak spot between the panels and wheels and through new armoured windows, replacing the bulletproof windshields onto which steel covers could be lowered. Unfortunately for its operators after the effort they put in upgrading this vehicle, it got completely destroyed during this attack.


Another variant was actually based on the R-145BM turretless communications vehicle variant of the BTR-60, with the same layout of armour, but with the slat armour on the front of the vehicle removed, presumably after it fell off or was found to block the view of the driver too much. Their attachment points can still be seen, however.


It apparently redeployed to al-Bab some time later, and would later be destroyed near Miznaz village, West Aleppo.


In the end, the attack paints a clear picture of the 'smash and grab' mini-offensives and the widely different outcomes that they result in. Although this offensive ended in failure, a necessity to maintain the status quo will undoubtedly result in more attacks of this type being carried out in the future, at least until a permanent ceasefire finally determines the situation in and around Idlib. Until then, further offensives and large losses of life are to be expected, continuously increasing the type of warfare that has come to typify this stage of the Syrian War.

[2] During Operation Spring Shield, launched in retaliation after the killing of 33 Turkish soldiers in an airstrike, some two dozen additional AFVs were captured by rebels, with many more destroyed by Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones.
[3] Islamic State captures Brigade 93 in largest heavy-arms haul of Syrian Civil War https://spioenkop.blogspot.com/2014/08/islamic-state-captures-brigade-93-in.html 
[4] No end in sight: Failed Tabqa offensive reveals underlying shortcomings of regime forces http://spioenkop.blogspot.com/2016/06/no-end-in-sight-failed-tabqa-offensive.html  
[6] 12 Hours. 4 Syrian Hospitals Bombed. One Culprit: Russia https://www.nytimes.com/2019/10/13/world/middleeast/russia-bombing-syrian-hospitals.html 

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Caspian Amphibians - Azerbaijan’s Elusive Fleet Of Beriev Amphibious Aircraft

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By Stijn Mitzer
 
The Caspian Sea is well known for being the world's largest inland body of water, its vast oil and gas reserves and, of course, the Caspian Sea Monster... Wait the Caspian what!? The Caspian Sea Monster! A ground-effect vehicle (known as ekranoplan in Russia) that puzzled Western intelligence agencies until even the Russians themselves came to the conclusion that while inherently cool, it in no way presented a feasible project for any military or civilian adaption.

Completely overshadowed by their ekranoplan brethrens are the Beriev series of amphibious aircraft operating over (and on!) the Caspian Sea, which, although arguably less glamorous, served their operators in a much more useful fashion. Nowadays the only country to operate amphibious aircraft on the Caspian Sea is Azerbaijan, which operates a single Be-200 for fire fighting, search and rescue duties and passenger transportation.
 
Still, Azerbaijan's history of operating amphibious aircraft goes back right to the early 1990s, when it inherited three Soviet Be-12 aircraft that had originally been designed for anti-submarine and maritime patrol duties, but saw use in the search and rescue role over the volatile Caspian Sea. These appear to have continued operations for several more years until they were eventually decommissioned in the late 1990s or early 2000s and stored at Baku Gala Air Base airbase until a decision was made to scrap them in 2018, when all three aircraft were finally dismantled.
 
 
In Azerbaijani service, neither the Be-12s nor the Be-200 were ever under the command of the navy. It might thus come as surprise that Azerbaijan was actually one of the first countries in the world to have its own naval aviation and specialised military maritime aviation school, founded in 1919. [1] Unfortunately, this was not to last for the newly fledged republic, as Azerbaijan was invaded and taken over by the Soviet Russia in 1920, in the course of which as many as 20.000 Azerbaijani soldiers lost their lives fighting for their independence. [2]
 

In 1991, Azerbaijan re-established its status as an independent state, and backed by significant offshore reserves of oil and gas, the country experienced rapid growth and modernisation. With this growth came new responsibilities, and in 2005 Azerbaijan established the Ministry of Emergency Situations of Azerbaijan Republic (Azərbaycan Respublikası Fövqəladə Hallar Nazirliyi) modelled after its Russian counterpart (the MChS) to deal with disasters like forest fires, landslides and earthquakes.
 
The establishment of the Fövqəladə Hallar Nazirliyi (FHN) was soon followed by its own aerial assets, comprising a single Be-200ES/Be-200ChS (FHN-10201, formerly RF-32768) that first flew in June 2007 with the MChS before being taken over by Azerbaijan less than a year later, and later also several Ka-32A1 and Mi-17 helicopters. [3] Azerbaijan is the first and so far only international customer of the Be-200.
 
 
Like Russia, Azerbaijan mainly operates the Be-200 in the fire fighting role, but has occasionally also employed the aircraft for other tasks. In April 2014, the Be-200 saw its longest mission yet when it was used to transport humanitarian aid to Nepal after a devastating earthquake hit the country. [4] But unlike Russia, Azerbaijan doesn't lease the aircraft to fire fighting services around the globe. In Russian service, these aircraft have been deployed to Italy, Greece, Serbia, Portugal, Indonesia, Israel and Turkey, making a handsome profit in the process with their drop capability of some 12,000 litres of water.


Although it's easy to mistake the Be-200 for a flying boat, the dual capabilities of the aircraft warrant the designation of 'amphibious aircraft' or 'amphibian'. As a rule, seaplanes are generally divided into three categories: floatplanes; small aircraft with floats mounted under the fuselage, which are the only part of the aircraft in contact with the water, flying boats; which sit with their fuselage in the water and are generally larger, and amphibious aircraft, which in addition to seaborne operations can also take off and land on regular airfields and are frequently land-based.


A Be-200 taxis up a ramp onto the shore after a successful water landing. This ramp recovery method doesn't appear to be in use with Azerbaijan, which instead operates its Be-200 from the grounds of Heydar Aliyev International Airport (named for the former president who passed away in 2003) in Baku.
 
 
Much less is known about the Be-12's career in Azerbaijani service. What is known is that all three aircraft were inherited from the 300th Independent Mixed Aviation Squadron that was directly subordinate to the High Command of the Southern Direction. Active from 1984 until its disbandment and subsequent adoptation by Azerbaijan in 1992, 300 Squadron operated an exotic mix of aircraft and helicopters, including An-2s, Tu-134s, Il-22s, Be-12s, Mi-2s, Mi-6s, Mi-8s and Ka-27s. [5]
 
When the Be-12s were first photographed in the year 2000, the two aircraft that remained operational (or in an intact condition at least) had had their Soviet roundels and serials painted over, but otherwise had no Azeri markings applied, which likely indicates that neither aircraft saw much use under their new ownership. Of course, it is entirely possible that the crew of these aircraft were ethnic Russians who returned to their native country after the fall of the USSR, impeding Azerbaijani operations with these aircraft.
 
One of the Be-12s with tail number '30' appears to have suffered some kind of accident, with its rear fuselage twisted and torn and half of its vertical stabilizer and a part of the wing missing. It's unknown whether this incident occurred while the aircraft was still in Soviet service or when it was already taken over by independent Azerbaijan, but the Azeri flag painted over the Soviet red star seems to imply the latter is the case. It is thus interesting to note that the only Be-12 to have received the Azeri roundel was also the very aircraft that has now become inoperable.
 

The Ka-27s also operated by the 300th Independent Mixed Aviation Squadron were of the Ka-27PS variant, which are dedicated to the search and rescue role with a winch fitted in place of anti-submarine warfare equipment. After languishing for years on Baku Gala Air Base, they were sent to Russia for a major overhaul and reconfigured to Ka-32S search and rescue helicopters. [6] They were then operated in support of the Azerbaijani navy and coast guard by 4-cu Eskadrilya from Baku Gala Airbase, although their current operational status is uncertain.

The FHN also operates several Ka-32(A1)s primarily for firefighting duties based out of Sangachaly AB South of Baku. In December 2010, one Ka-32 along with a Mi-17 were used to fight the 2010 Mount Carmel forest fire near Haifa, Israel. After Israel requested international assistance to help fight the fire, several nations including Palestine, Russia, Turkey and Azerbaijan deployed their own fire fighting assets, aiding in its eradication after three days. [7]
 

While the Be-200 might not be a match for the imposing appearance of the 'Caspian Sea Monster', it more than makes up for this by its unique capabilities. Whether its usefulness will outlast the folkore of the Caspian Sea Monster remains to be seen, but with a healthy backlog of orders and now even a nascent career with the Russian Naval Aviation, the Be-200 might just be at the start of a promising service life, whether in Azerbaijan, Russia or elsewhere.


[1] Ministry of Defence of the Republic of Azerbaijan - Navy forces https://mod.gov.az/en/navy-forces-755/
[2] Pope, Hugh (2006). Sons of the conquerors: the rise of the Turkic world. New York: The Overlook
[7] Prezident İlham Əliyevin tapşırığı ilə Fövqəladə Hallar Nazirliyi İsraildə meşə yanğınları ilə əlaqədar bu ölkəyə iki helikopter göndərmişdir http://old.xalqqazeti.com/az/news/social/7580
 
Images 2, 8, 9 and 10 by Torfaen Corvine

The Forgotten Deterrent: Kuwait’s Luna-M ’FROG-7’ Artillery Rockets

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By Stijn Mitzer
 
What do you acquire when you want a weapon system to deter your neighbours without plunging the region into an unnecessary arms race at the same time? That is the question the leadership of Kuwait must have asked itself somewhere in the 1970s. In 1977 Kuwait eventually found an answer to this query in the form of the Soviet 2K92 Luna-M 'FROG-7' artillery rocket system, the acquisition of which for Kuwait marked the start of a number of major arms deals concluded with Eastern Bloc countries.
 
In doing so, the State of Kuwait became the first Gulf country to acquire Soviet weaponry, in a deal entailing $51 million worth of FROG-7s and 9K32 Strela-2 (NATO designation: SA-7) MANPADS in 1977. [1] Unable to source similar equipment from its traditional Western suppliers at the time, Kuwait from then on turned to the Soviet Union whenever its traditional suppliers proved unwilling to provide it the weapon systems it needed. For Moscow, selling arms to Kuwait served the purpose of making welcome inroads for further arms deals with other Gulf states, which apart from the sale of MANPADS to the UAE in the mid-to-late 1980s however failed to materialise. [2]
 
 
Most of the Gulf states have traditionally followed a pattern of diversification when it comes to the acquisition of armament, although with important differences in choice of suppliers. Traditionally a customer of Western arms from Great Britain and the United States, the US' refusal to sell Kuwait FIM-92 Stinger man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS) in 1984 provided the Soviet Union the perfect opportunity to widen their limited military relationship once again, leading to the purchase of 9K33 Osa SAM systems, additional MANPADS and over 200 BMP-2 IFVs (as well as some 200 M-84 tanks from Yugoslavia) in the late 1980s. [3]
 
When Kuwait lost some of this equipment as a result of the 1990 invasion by Iraq, it again turned to its Cold War partner (now Russia) to replace the materiel it had just lost. And soon, huge orders for BMP-3 IFVs to replace the BMP-2s and BM-30 'Smerch' MRLs as a replacement for the Luna-Ms were made. Even today Kuwait remains a major client of Russian weaponry, although its acquisition of 155mm PLZ-45 SPGs from China in the early 2000s and more recently, both European and U.S. combat aircraft, clearly shows its continued push for armament diversification.
 

The 9K52 Luna-M (NATO designation: FROG-7) is a short-range artillery rocket system that fires unguided 9M21B nuclear-armed rockets or 9M21G rockets with a conventional warhead. Both variants are spin-stabilised, meaning that small rockets are used to spin up the rocket and stabilise it in flight, which improves its aerodynamic stability and thus accuracy. That said, with a Circular Error Probable (CEP) of just under a kilometre and an equally unimpressive range of some 45 kilometres, it could be argued that system's relatively heavy 390kg warhead (for the 9M21G) and intimidating looks are its sole redeeming factors.

Phased out by its Eastern Bloc operators in the 1990s, with most other countries following shortly after, the Luna-M's remaining operators today include Syria, Libya and (of course) North Korea, while Yemen's stocks were converted to Samood and Zelzal-3 rockets by Houthi rebels and subsequently exhausted in battle. The concept of giant artillery rockets has nowadays largely been abandoned in favour of more accurate guided rockets and short-range ballistic missiles (SRBMs), with only Iran continuing to make extensive use of them.
 

The number of Luna-M systems received by Kuwait remains somewhat of a mystery. The Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in 1984 reported that twelve systems were in service, but it is unknown if this number also included the associated 9T29 transporters, which carry three reloads each. [3] In the same year, Kuwaiti Minister of Defence Salem Sabah Al-Salem Al-Sabah announced he would sign a deal for a second batch of Luna-Ms during his visit to Moscow, but it is unclear if this ever actually occurred. [2]

Although the Luna-M was never fired in anger in Kuwaiti service, this certainly wasn't for the lack of combat involving the Gulf state. Kuwait saw itself at the receiving end of Iranian airstrikes and bombardments throughout the 1980s as punishment for their financial support to Iraq, which had just invaded Iran. Then in 1990, Kuwait was invaded by Iraq as a result of (amongst others) disputes over the money Kuwait had loaned to Saddam Hussein to finance the Iran-Iraq War. Financially crippled as a result of the war and unwilling to remain indebted to Kuwait, Saddam opted to simply take out its lender.

Prior to the Iraqi invasion, Kuwait's 10.000-strong army was organized into two combat brigades (one armored and one mechanised), a combat support brigade and support units. [4] On the 2nd of August 1990 these forces scrambled out of their bases to halt the Iraqi advance, although it is possible (and even likely) that the Luna-Ms couldn't be mobilised in time and were lost to the Iraqis. Be sure to check out Desert Storm Volume 1: The Iraqi Invasion of Kuwait & Operation Desert Shield 1990-1991 from Helion & Company for more on Kuwait's heroic efforts to stop the Iraqi onslaught.

The fate of the Luna-M systems after the invasion of Kuwait is unknown, but it can be assumed that they were captured by Iraq and taken there along with other Kuwaiti military equipment, including Chieftain MBTs and M113 APCs. Already an operator of the Luna-M, the Iraqis would likely have incorporated them into their own military, possibly even seeing use against Coalition forces during the 2003 invasion of Iraq.

 
A Kuwaiti Luna-M battery on the move. It appears that Kuwait opted to use U.S. M35 trucks and British Land Rovers rather than the original vehicles that made up a regular Soviet Luna-M battery, wich would complicate maintenance and spare parts logistics for Kuwait's otherwise Western inventory of vehicles. The UAZ-452 van leading the convoy is of Soviet origin however, and would normally be used to tow the RMS-1 'End Tray' trailer-mounted meteorological radar associated with the Luna-M system.
 
 
The steering mechanism of the 8x8 ZiL-135 can be clearly appreciated in the image below, with only the front and rear axles used to steer the vehicle. Curiously, each of the vehicle's two engines powers one side of the vehicle for a top speed of 65 kilometers per hour. Also note the huge stabiliser pads on the rear of the TEL and in between the first and second wheels, which are of course meant to keep the launcher braced against the huge forces that are set free when launching the heavy 9M21 rocket.
 
 
Purchased in 1977, six 9P113 TELs and six 9T29 transporters were first showcased during the massive 20th anniversary of national day of the State of Kuwait parade in 1981, and again in a 1984 parade.

 

Having lost a significant part of its military inventory as a result of the Iraqi invasion, Kuwait spent much of the 1990s rebuilding its military. Interestingly, rather than acquiring U.S. M270 MRLS with MGM-140 ATACMS like Bahrain, Kuwait again turned to Russia and acquired the Russian 300mm BM-30 Smerch MRL instead. Of course, with a larger range, twelve times the number of rockets and much increased accuracy at the cost of a slightly smaller warhead compared to the Luna-M, the BM-30 offers a considerable increase in firepower to the Kuwaiti Land Forces, who will undoubtedly appreciate it for these properties. While it once had its place and a role to play in the Middle Eastern military balance, the Luna-M, striking beast though she was, is now relegated to the annals of history.


[1] ARMS TRANSFERS TO THE PERSIAN GULF: TRENDS AND IMPLICATIONS https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/document/cia-rdp83b00851r000100090003-4
[3] MILITARY CAPABILITIES OF THE SMALLER PERSIAN GULF STATES https://www.cia.gov/library/readingroom/document/cia-rdp85t00314r000200090002-0
 
 
 
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Giants Of The Skies - The An-124 in Libyan Service

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans
 
The Libyan Civil War has had a devastating impact on the country's civilian aviation sector, and its two giant An-124 cargo aircraft have not eluded their fair share of suffering. Libya's aviation industry came to a near standstill during the 2011 revolution, and even after the cessation of hostilities it took Libyan airline companies anywhere from months up to a year to restart their operations, while some never flew again. Those that did in doing so expressed their renewed confidence for the future, but insecurity and political turmoil in the wake of the civil war ultimately brought an end to any optimism, and soon the Libyan aviation industry was fighting for its very survival.
 
As the civil war ravaging Libya continued with no prospect of relative stability in sight, the threat of extinction loomed large over the An-124s. At a time when the single aircraft that was still present in Libya was dodging artillery fire left and right, the other An-124 was facing the possibility of being auctioned off by Ukraine in 2017 if the Libyan government failed to pay the $1.2 million it owed to Antonov for storage and routine maintenance of the aircraft since 2009 at the Antonov facility in Kiev.
 
Then in a surprise announcement by Antonov in 2019, it was disclosed that negotiations had been held with the internationally-recognised government of Libya (GNA) to return one of the An-124s to airworthy status. [1] As per the agreement, the aircraft was to be modernised and its service life extended. Since then little has been heard however, and it's unknown if a deal was ever actually reached. Nevertheless, it affirmed that Libya still intends on operating the An-124, for better or worse.
 
While it appears that the Libyan government has successfully secured the fate of the An-124 stored in Ukraine, thus preventing its auction to the highest bidder, the battle on the ground had already claimed yet another victim as Libya's commercial aviation is slowly consumed by the unabating demands of war.
 

                                                                                         Libyan operations
 
Libya had originally acquired two An-124s (5A-DKN''Sabrata' and 5A-DKL 'Susa') for Libyan Arab Air Cargo in 2001, and began using these behemoths for international charter services for cargo that required oversized aircraft. While the country had previously suffered from almost completeisolation from the outside world as the result of international sanctions for orchestrating (amongst others) the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, the An-124s were now hauling heavy cargo loads around the world as Libya began normalising relations with its former arch-enemies.
 
When the 2011 revolution broke out, 'Sabrata' was captured intact by rebel forces at Tripoli IAP while 'Susa' was at the Antonov facilities undergoing maintenance. 'Susa', built in 1992, had previously been in service with Air Ukraine (1992-1999) before it was taken over by Libyan Air Cargo in December 2001. 'Sabrata', built in 1994, saw service in Russia with Trans-Charter Airlines (1996-1999), which operated the aircraft on behalf of Titan Cargo, and Volga-Dnepr (1999-2001) before being delivered to Libya in March 2001. [2] [3]


Throughout their (limited) active career Libya rented out its two An-124s via a Libyan-owned company based in France called FLATAM (Franco-Lybienne D'Affretement Et De Transport Arien Et Maritime - Franco-Libyan Air Chartering for Air and Maritime Transport). FLATAM was owned by businessman Jalal Dira, a former Mirage pilot in the Libyan Air Force, military attaché to France and businessman who later became a procurement lobbyist for the French aircraft group Dassault, which unsuccessfully attempted to sell its Rafale fighter aircraft to Libya before the fall of the Gaddafi regime. [4] 
 


This charter construction remained active until February 2011, when the Libyan revolution and subsequent Civil War took a heavy toll in commercial aviation in the country. Although both aircraft escaped destruction in 2011, a lack of initiative and finances to restart operations of Libyan Air Cargo meant that An-124 'Sabrata' remained idly at Tripoli IAP while An-124 'Susa' was never recollected from the Antonov facilties in Kiev, Ukraine where it was stored since 2009.

And as normal operations by Libyan airlines faced their demise and the destruction of commercial aircraft became a common sight as a result of continued infighting throughout the country, the future for the An-124s in Libyan service began to look increasingly grim. This however appears to have not deterred Libyan Air Cargo staff from replacing the green Jamahiriya flag with the new Libyan flag.


 
                                                                                         Death of a giant
 
Parked in the same spot on a maintenance ramp in a corner of Tripoli IAP since early 2014, the An-124 'Sabrata' had miraculously survived previous attacks on its home base after warring parties battling for control over the airport targeted nearby facilities and destroyed several aircraft situated close to the An-124 in the summer of 2014.
 
Among the destroyed aircraft were no less than four Il-76 cargo planes parked on the adjacent ramp just some 300 metres away. Although the An-124 escaped with minor shrapnel damage only, the heavy clashes completely destroyed the passenger terminal, resulting in the airport's closure and redirection of the few remaining flights to Mitiga airport located in Tripoli proper.
 

But after managing to escape the relentless onslaught sweeping across Libya for some eight years, the luck of '5A-DKN''Sabrata' ultimately ran out on the 22th of June 2019 when it was hit by shrapnel and destroyed in a subsequent fire at Tripoli International Airport.
 

The smoldering remains of the behemoth can only be described as a sad end to a career that was cut short by the outbreak of the Libyan Revolution in 2011 and the ensuing difficulties in restarting the operations of the massive aircraft.
 

The destruction of the An-124 came as Libya's second An-124 still remains in storage at the Antonov State Company's facilities in Kiev, with plans in 2018 and 2019 to bring the aircraft back to Libya apparently on halt. [5] [6] Interestingly, the 2018 and 2019 negotiations were held with the Libyan Blue Bird Aviation Company rather than with Libyan Air Cargo, which might indicate that the operations of Libya's oldest cargo airline have now finally ceased.
 
With no apparent breakthrough for Libya's An-124 in Kiev in sight, and storing and maintenance fees continuing to mount up, '5A-DKL' could prove an attractive aircraft for either Antonov's own cargo airline or other operators of the An-124 should Libya relinquish possession of the aircraft, either through a voluntary sale or a forceful court order.
 

                                                                                          Hope remains 
 
Whether the Libyan government deems the remaining An-124 an asset it intends on keeping and utilising will undoubtedly be tied to finances and an actual requirement for a cargo aircraft as large as the An-124. But amidst an increasingly stable security situation in Tripoli and its surrounding areas, the Libyan government can now at least attempt to restart operations of the surviving An-124 and employ it for international cargo flights again. 
 
Furthermore, Libya could partner up with one of the few countries that's currently willing to support it: Turkey, which already enjoys very warm ties with Ukraine and has recently discussed potential cooperation on several Antonov projects. These include production of the An-178 and An-188, but also completing work on the second An-225, which has been left in an unfinished state since 1994. [7] [8] [9] Turkish involvement could mean a breakthrough in not only finally securing the fate of the An-124, but also in actually providing the stimulus and funds to bring the aircraft back into service. Although it remains unlikely that the sanctions implemented against Libya will be lifted in the foreseeable future, it could in the short term ferry goods and equipment between the two countries, which enjoy warmer relations than ever before. And so, hope yet remains for these enigmatic giants, the unfortunate casualties of a war that has outlasted all pretense of sanity.
 

[1] ANTONOV Company will begin works on renewal of Libyan Ruslan https://antonov.com/en/article/dp-antonov-rozpochne-roboti-z-vidnovlennya-liviyskogo-ruslana 
[6] Libya tracks file of Antonov under 7-year maintenance in Ukraine https://www.libyaobserver.ly/inbrief/libya-tracks-file-antonov-under-7-year-maintenance-ukraine 
[9] Turkey interested in completing An-225 Mriya – Dpty PM https://en.interfax.com.ua/news/general/698799.html
 


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Aftermath: Lessons Of The Nagorno-Karabakh War Are Paraded Through The Streets Of Baku

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By Stijn Mitzerand Joost Oliemans
 
If Azerbaijan starts a war, Armenian tanks will go as far as Baku. (Artsrun Hovhannisyan, Press Secretary of the Ministry of Defence of Armenia, September 2020)
 
In a way surely different from what the Ministry of Defence of Armenia had envisaged, Armenian military equipment was on full display during Azerbaijan's Victory Parade on the 10th of December 2020. Marching through Baku's Freedom Square, the parade offered a glimpse of some of the equipment used by both sides during the 44-day long Nagorno-Karabakh war. 
 
While the parade segment with military trophies was sizeable, with row upon row fielding yet another type of weapon system ultimately overcome by drone warfare, the Armenian equipment on display was roughly one-tenth of the total amount of weaponry and vehicles captured by Azerbaijan. [1] In fact, even if we assume double the amount of losses confirmed to have been suffered by Azerbaijan, its military would still have captured more military equipment than it lost during the war.
 
Contrary to popular belief however, the massive losses in equipment suffered by Armenia are actually less significant than one might think. With a quantity of equipment better suited for a regional power than an economically struggling nation with a relatively tiny population, its composition of forces had always been highly geared towards the defence of Nagorno-Karabakh and the Armenian-occupied territories surrounding this region. Having relented control over nearly half of Nagorno-Karabakh and all of the surrounding territories, the reason for a large standing army is now lost along with it.
 
 
The rows of battered Soviet equipment, most of which dating from the 1970s and 1980s, offered a stark contrast to the modern city of Baku, which has rapidly developed in the past years to become the metropolis it is today. The paraded Armenian equipment also stood in contrast to the masses of weapons systems displayed by Azerbaijan during the parade, many of which have been recently acquired and belong to the most modern systems in their respective classes.

The parade can be watched in its entirety here. The segment with Armenian military equipment starts from 1:02:40.
 

The first entry to the parade was a highly symbolic one for both nations: A composition made from the license plates of Armenian military trucks and jeeps captured by Azerbaijan during the conflict. This was a clear nod to Armenia's 'number plate wall', which it constructed from the license plates of cars previously owned by Azerbaijani citizens Armenia had just expelled from Nagorno-Karabakh and the seven surrounding regions in the 1990s. On the Azerbaijani wall, 'Qarabağ Azerbaycandir!' - "Karabakh is Azerbaijan!" was reiterated. 


Heading off the vehicle section of the parade were three KAMAZ trucks with (Christian) crosses painted on them. Although sometimes applied to military vehicles by their Armenian crews, the crosses featured on vehicles in the parade were in fact applied by Azerbaijan to mark the difference between captured Armenian equipment and Azerbaijani equipment.
 
Throughout the duration of the conflict, Armenia continued to receive several batches of KAMAZ trucks from Russia through Iran. [1] These were not wartime military aid from Russia to support Armenia in its battles against Azerbaijan, but rather part of a large order placed before the outbreak of the war. Opposed to arms embargos imposed against any nation as a rule, Russia clearly honored its contractual obligations in spite of the war.
 
Of interest are the various types of mortars transported on the back of each truck, which include (from left to right) 60mm M57s, 82mm M69s, 120mm M74s, all of Yugoslavian origin, and a type of hell cannon. The latter was a surprise finding on the battlefields of Nagorno-Karabakh, as hell cannons are normally associated with rebel groups that lack access to more conventional weaponry. 


Capable of laying down fire over far greater ranges than mortars are the many towed artillery pieces in Armenian service, of which the 122mm D-30 howitzer (pictured) is the most numerous. Heavier systems include the 152mm D-20 howitzer and the 2A36 Giatsint-B field-gun of the same calibre, and even WWII-era 122 mm M-30 and 152mm D-1 gun-howitzers and anti-aircraft guns converted to the role of artillery (KS-19) were still in frontline use in 2020.
 
Considerably cheaper than their mobile counterparts on tracks, many nations have begun to address the limited mobility of towed artillery by installing them on trucks. Surprisingly, this development was never initiated in Armenia, and almost all towed artillery pieces were placed in pre-prepared pits, which although giving some protection against counter-artillery fire, left them completely exposed to drones hovering overhead. It should thus come as no surprise that no less than 120 artillery pieces were destroyed by Bayraktar TB2 UAVs alone (out of more than 200 artillery pieces confirmed to have been lost by Armenia in total). [2] Often picked off one by one, the wartime life of an Armenian artilleryman must have been a truly terrifying experience, bringing with it a short life expectancy.
 

Further to the rear, three Ural-4320 trucks appeared carrying 152mm D-20 gun-howitzers and a selection of anti-tank guided missiles (ATGMs), recoilless rifles and heavy machine guns on their flatbed. These included six examples of the dreaded 9M133 Kornet, responsible for wrecking havoc among armoured fighting vehicles, structures and clusters of soldiers on key battlegrounds in Syria. In the Nagorno-Karabakh war, ATGMs played only a small role as the Armenian ATGM teams usually got neutralised or were forced to retreat by drones, artillery and missile fire before the tanks they were supposed to hit ever got in sight.
 
Nevertheless, in what was likely meant as a morale boost by the Armenian MoD, footage of reservists undergoing training on the 9K115 Metis ATGM systems was regularly aired on national TV. Originally designed by the Soviet Union to provide its soldiers with a lighter ATGM system compared to the 9M113 Konkurs, the lack of range and penetration capabilities of its 9M131 missile meant it proved less popular than originally envisioned. Of course, with a range of just one kilometre (compared to more than five kilometres for the 9M133 Kornet), their impact on the seemingly unstoppable advance of the Azerbaijan Army would have been negligible even in large numbers. Unsurprisingly, no footage of the missile system fired in anger during the war exists.
 
 
The next section of the parade was dedicated to the various types of anti-aircraft equipment employed during the conflict. First off, the ZSU-23-4 self-propelled anti-aircraft gun (SPAAG), a proven system that still has the potential of inflicting low-flying aircraft the knockout blow with its four 23mm cannons, together offering combined rate of fire of roughly 4,000 rounds per minute. Of course, a requirement is that such an aircraft should come within the ZSU-23-4's firing range, which due to the plethora of standoff weaponry deployed by any respectable air force nowadays is a rare occurrence. This is also true for drones, which can track and target systems like the ZSU-23-4 while flying too high and far away for the system to ever fend for itself.
 
The chances of targeting loitering munitions like the Harop are significantly better, as these must descend to earth during their attack run towards the target, thus entering the ZSU-23-4's firing range. Several nations have set out to improve the capabilities of their ZSU-23-4s to target such systems through the addition of more modern radars, electro-optical targeting equipment and even MANPADS. No such upgrade was performed by Armenia, and the ZSU-23-4's deficiencies in a modern war were once again made painfully clear. To ease parade training and avoid any possible damage to Freedom Square, tracked vehicles like the ZSU-23 were paraded on trailers rather than driving on stage on their own power.

 
The 9K33 Osa (NATO designation: SA-8) still is Armenia's primary surface-to-air missile (SAM) system, and the country has made continued investments in keeping the system relevant to the 21st century. As recently as January 2020, Armenia showed off some of the 35 9K33 Osa-AK systems it had just purchased from Jordan for 27 million dollars. [3] [4] Although of an older variant than the Osa-AKM (and thus bringing with it decreased capabilities and a more limited range for its missiles) also in Armenian service, these systems were to be indigenously upgraded, which was made possible thanks to their extremely low purchase price.

While the acquisition and reliance on systems like the 9K33 was heavily critised both during and after the war, they were used with some success against loitering munitions during earlier clashes with Azerbaijan. Unfortunately for Armenia, all of the upgrades (consisting of new computers and optical systems) performed or planned on its 9K33 Osas failed to address one major issue: UAVs like the Bayraktar TB2 can target the 9K33 without ever needing to come into their range. Other countries sought to specifically address this issue, the most popular upgrade hence becoming known as the Osa-1T by Belarus (which was also acquired by Azerbaijan). But as modernising and upgrading each missile is amongst the most expensive features of such an upgrade, Armenia looked at other ways of increasing the efficiency of the 9K33s.
 
That said, during the war Bayraktar TB2s frequently operated within range of several 9K33 Osa systems at the same time without ever being targeted. It is likely that Armenia had envisaged that it could at least partially compensate the lack of capabilities of the 9K33 by deploying them in far greater numbers so that their engagement envelopes would overlap. This would mean that if a TB2 was in the process of engaging one 9K33 it would automatically fly into the range of another system located nearby. As Armenia found out the hard way, these systems turned out to be completely unable to identify the Bayraktar TB2s flying circles above them even with their radar system visibly turned on. This was likely the result of the TB2's low radar visibility, and also possibly due to the use of electronic warfare (EW) measures by Azerbaijan, resulting in at least 14 9K33 Osas destroyed with no TB2s lost in return. [2]


Longer-range systems like the 2K12 Kub (SA-6) fared no better, and like the 2K11 Krug (SA-4) also still in active service in Armenia, essentially played no role during the war. Nonetheless, Armenia still maintained at least two sites of these aging systems, although only the one near the city of Shusha appears to have been active during the outbreak of hostilities. Interestingly, no attempt was made to reactivate the other site during the war, which didn't stop Azerbaijan from striking the 1S91 radar (another captured example of which is pictured below) and empty launchers as a precautionary measure.
 
 
In defence of the 2K12, neither its replacement system the Buk-M1-2 nor the Tor-M2KM or even the vaunted S-300 had any impact on aerial warfare occurring above Nagorno-Karabakh. For the Tor-M2KM, perhaps its sole merit is that only one system is (confirmed) to have been tracked by a Bayraktar TB2 before being destroyed by two loitering munitions and a missile strike subsequently dispatched to its position. [5] Although it was envisaged that the Tor-M2KM could operate as a hunter-killer system in Nagorno-Karbakh, using its small footprint, ease of camouflage and mobility to escape from the attention of enemy UAVs, the Tor along with all other systems clearly became the hunted party instead.
 

While the standard Russian response is often to blame the operators of the SAM system or to claim that the system in question was never meant to target the munition or drone that dealt it the finishing blow, every layer of Armenia's air defence umbrella in Armenia was soundly defeated at the hands of piston-engined drones. This included both Soviet-era systems and modern Russian systems designed to replace them, including the dreaded S-300. Although the S-300 family is often flaunted as a wonder weapon that by itself is capable of completely disturbing the strategic air balance in a region, in reality the S-300 has been hyped up to a standard that could never be met in the first place. During the war, Bayraktar TB2s literally flew circles near three S-300 sites while waiting for the ballistic missiles and loitering munitions directed against them to strike their targets before doing damage assessment and flying away. Shockingly, the launchers in some of these SAM sites were not even in deployment mode, as if no war was going on in the first place.
 
This is not to say that Armenia was caught fully unprepared, as the recent acquisition of modern SAM systems like the Buk and Tor, and years of investments in a host of Russian electronic warfare systems and electro-optical equipment acquired from various sources had turned Nagorno-Karabakh and the surrounding areas into one of the densest covered areas of air defence in the world (save for North Korea). Although still lacking in some areas, it further operated a plethora of both older and more modern systems in every range category, backed up by modern MANPADS, SPAAGs and anti-aircraft guns. As a result, its Air Defence System (ADS) presented something of a trump card to any foe that was willing to challenge it. The fact that this trump card was soundly defeated in a matter of days, at the cost of next to no losses is certain to become the subject matter of many a study into the efficacy of modern air defence systems against new developments in areas such as drones, electronic warfare and stand-off munitions.
 
That Armenia had placed especially much confidence in the EW systems delivered by Russia is testified by MoD spokesperson Artsrun Hovhannisyan, who enthusiastically called the Autobaza-M the ''death of the Azerbaijani Air Force'' (yes that is the same guy from the introductory quote of this article). [6] Systems like the Murmansk, Borisoglebsk-2, R-330P and the Repellent-1, all of which are meant to disrupt the operations of UAVs in one way or another fared little better, and it must be concluded that they proved completely incapable of hindering UAV operations over Nagorno-Karbakh even in the slightest way.


Falling between the category of anti-aircraft guns and armour were four MT-LB armoured auxiliary vehicles that were locally converted to the role of fire-support vehicle. In this role, they are usually equipped with Yugoslavian 20mm M55 triple-barreled anti-aircraft (AA) guns or more rarely, 23mm ZU-23 AA guns or even 57mm AZP S-60 AA guns (as seen in the second photo). 
 
Although all of these guns retain some efficacy against helicopters and low-flying aircraft, they are wholly inadequate to deal with the threat of fast aircraft and loitering munitions without the addition of electro-optical targeting equipment. Owing both to their numerical quantity and little relevance on the battlefield, at least 36 MT-LBs equipped with AA guns were lost during the war. Of these 36, twelve were lost to Bayraktar TB2s, two to Spike-ER missiles and 22 were captured. [2]
 

On the armour front, six BMPs were driven onto the stage, comprising both the BMP-1 armed with a 73mm anti-tank gun and the more modern BMP-2 that uses a rapid-firing 30mm autocannon ideal for targeting infantry and surpressing enemy positions. Likely in an effort to combine the capabilities of both, Armenia upgraded several BMP-1s with the addition of two 23mm autocannons taken from ZU-23s and ZSU-23-4s. This does little towards expanding the actual capabilities of the vehicle however, while hugely increasing the workload of the gunner, who now has to operate both types of guns.

In any case, this setup mostly revolved around an offensive role for the BMP-1. On the defensive throughout almost the entirety of the 44-day conflict, most of the BMPs were left in static positions in anticipation of an order to counter-attack that never came. One of the few counter-attacks taking place that involved BMP-2s occurred near the entrance of Shusha shortly before Armenia's surrender on the 10th of November. Conducted under the cover of foggy weather, drones were prevented from taking part in the offensive for a few days in a row. When the skies did finally clear up these same BMP-2s were immediately struck by loitering munitions, and even under the cover of fog the counter-attack was defeated at the hands of Azerbaijani special forces entrenched in parts of the city and nearby forests. Armenia would ultimately end the war with some 75 less BMPs than it began it with, most being lost after ending up in the crosshairs of Bayraktar TB2 drones.
 

The T-72 tank was another anticipated participant in the parade, and a total of six examples were paraded in front of the audience. These included the three most common variants in Armenian service: The T-72A, T-72AV and T-72B. Each of these types were held at the frontline for far too long, often placed in open revetments waiting for an enemy that never came in range. What came instead were Bayraktar TB2 drones (which are visually confirmed to have destroyed at least 105 T-72 tanks), loitering munitions (responsible for the destruction of a minimum of eleven tanks) and Spike-ER ATGMs (which destroyed at least eight T-72 tanks). [2] When Armenia finally began to pull back some of its armour and artillery, it did so without any air cover, meaning TB2 drones could now strike both the equipment being evacuated and the truck that was evacuating it with just one MAM-L munition.

In addition to the T-72A(V) and the T-72B, Armenia operates two more T-72 variants: The older T-72 'Ural' and the T-72B Obr. 1989, which is equipped with Kontakt-5 ERA (which also equips the T-90) rather than the Kontakt-1 ERA installed on the T-72AV and T-72B. Only two T-72 'Urals' are confirmed to have been destroyed during the war, while the T-72B Obr. 1989 wasn't seen at all. Armenia also operates a single T-90A it won during the 2014 Tank Biathlon, but like the T-72 Obr. 1989 it isn't believed to have seen action during the war.
 

One of the paraded T-72Bs revealed a rather interesting addition to the turret of the vehicle: two electro-optical jammers (popularily known as IR dazzlers) of indigenous manufacture. IR dazzlers are specifially designed to disrupt the laser designator of ATGMs painted at them, in turn saving the tank from almost certain destruction in a way that increased armour protection could never achieve. Of the some 230 tanks confirmed to have been lost by Armenia during the war, this T-72B is one out of two examples seen equipped with the IR dazzlers. This likely indicates that it was either still in a prototype stage and currently being tested, or considered too prohibitively costly to warrant their introduction on a wider scale.
 
 
Next up were three 122mm 2S1 Gvozdika self-propelled howitzers, some twenty of which are confirmed to have been lost by Armenia during the fighting. Although most of these were destroyed by Bayraktar TB2s after the air defences that were supposed to protect them got taken out, several were captured by Azerbaijan after being left behind on the battlefield. Of course, with their protective air umbrella gone, it is entirely understandable that some crews abandoned their mounts rather than waiting for the seemingly inevitable drone strike to hit their vehicle next.
 

Like most militaries under the Russian sphere of influence or simply inheriting its predecessor's military apparatus, Armenia operated vast numbers of the ubiqitous 122mm BM-21 multiple rocket launcher. As MRLs are capable of laying down devastating barrages over often longer ranges than conventional artillery, Armenia invested significantly in expanding their inventory of such systems. This not only included the BM-21, but also the Chinese 273mm WM-80 acquired in the 1990s and more recent acquisitions such as the 300mm BM-30 'Smerch' and even the 220mm TOS-1, which is based on the T-72 chassis and fires thermobaric rockets.

 
While one might expect that Armenia would exclusively employ its longer range systems (most notably the BM-30) to target enemy troop concentrations and command posts located far away, it instead employed the 'Smerch' in a series of attacks against the Azerbaijani city of Barda at the end of October, resulting in the deaths of 27 civilians. These were not isolated events, as in early October Armenia had already began launching OTR-21 'Tochka' and Scud-B ballistic missiles against the city of Ganja, resulting in the destruction of whole apartment blocks and killing 26 civilians.


Although both the BM-30 and any ballistic missiles are operated by the Armenian Army rather than the Army of the Republic of Artsakh (which is almost entirely manned by Armenians and an inherent part of the Armenian Army anyway), Armenia denied responsibility for both attacks, calling them "absolute lies''. [7] Instead, it had the Republic of Artsakh claim responsibility for both attacks supposedly ''targeting military targets'' despite the fact that Artsakh's military wasn't operating either of the systems and the fact that the Scud-Bs were launched from Armenia proper. As it happened, Bayraktar TB2s operated in a silent vigil far beyond the frontlines of Nagorno-Karabakh, and thus tracked the Scud-B systems during their deployment to the border region. [8]

But even had the artillery systems been aimed against military targets within the cities of Barda and Ganja, then the choice of armament was simply inexcusable, and showed a clear disregard for civilian lives. The BM-30s in question used inaccurate 9M55K rockets equipped with cluster warheads containing 72 submunitions with 96 fragments each, and the Scud-B ballistic missiles have a circular error probable (CEP) of 500 metres, making either suitable only against large military bases or as area denial weapons. If there is still any doubt about the disregard to civilian life with which this side engaged in the war, the spokesman of the president of the self-proclaimed Republic of Artsakh Arayik Harutyunyan stated that ''A few more days and I am afraid that even archaeologists will not be able to find the place of Ganja'' on October the 5th. [9]

Apart from constituting crimes against humanity, these attacks were also an utter waste of one of the few systems operated by Armenia that was able to strike targets far away to devastating effect. Apart from analysing the causes that led to its defeat at the hands of drones, and its refusal to admit and communicate to its citizens that it was losing the war badly, the Armenian military leadership would also be wise to rethink the way it intends on deploying strategic assests like MRLs and ballistic missiles. 


Of course, this chapter wouldn't be complete without explicitely mentioning the ''Conquerer of Karabakh'', the Bayraktar TB2, again. Apart from destroying 57 BM-21s and two WM-80s with its MAM-L munitions, it also managed to find, track and destroy the BM-30 systems that had been responsible for the attacks on Barda. [2] Two of the 'Smerchs' responsible had quietly set up at a prepared position deep in Nagorno-Karbakh, operating out of a dry river bed and driving to a nearby field unleashing their devastating payload before moving back to reload. [10] One of these BM-30s was spotted after launching its deadly volley on the30th of October. Rather than engaging it outright, the TB2 followed the BM-30 back to its staging area, where another BM-30 and reloads were discovered. These were then struck, resulting in the destruction of both launchers and likely saving many more civilian lives in the city of Barda. During the course of the war, two more BM-30s were destroyed (one by another TB2 and one by a loitering munition). [2]
 
 
Looming behind the rows of mangled armour and artillery were even more trucks and jeeps, but also a single 9P148 'Konkurs' ATGM carrier, at least five of which were lost by Armenia during the conflict. Although deemed to be too specialised for widespread service in most Western militaries, several Post-Soviet states continue to operate significant numbers of such ATGM carriers. In addition to the 9P148, Armenia also operates the more modern 9P149 Shturm-S based on the chassis of a MT-LB while Azerbaijan employs the highly advanced 9P157-2 'Khrizantema-S' based on the BMP-3.
 
That Armenia still valued the capabilities of the 9P148 is attested by the upgrade of several examples in 2018 through the addition of a thermal sight to improve targeting capabilities during day and night. Incidentally, this modernised variant is also the variant that was on display during the parade. Whether Armenia still deems ATGM carriers an asset worth keeping after drawing its conclusions from the Nagorno-Karabakh war remains to be seen, but they might simply opt to continue to operate them at little cost until their (useful) service life runs out.
 
 
When the war broke out, the Armenian Army was still in the process of modernising its vehicle park by replacing its Soviet-era trucks and jeeps with more modern mounts. As part of this modernisation effort, large numbers of Ural and KAMAZ trucks and UAZ jeeps were purchased from Russia to replace older versions of these same brands already in the inventory of Armenia. A large part of this modernisation was already carried out, likely meaning that Armenia now has to place follow-up orders to compensate for the huge amount of vehicles lost during the war.

With drones roaming free far behind the frontline, trucks ferrying in supplies and soldiers became easy preys for Bayraktar TB2s and loitering munitions. Correspondingly, they suffered heavy losses, with some 600 trucks and jeeps currently confirmed to have been destroyed or captured by Azerbaijan. [2] Similar to footage coming out of Armenian trenches showing the bodies of Armenian soldiers chained to their positions, there is some indication that some commanders opted to chain soldiers to the steering wheel of their trucks to prevent them from abandoning their vehicles out of fear for being struck by a drone. [11] While it is impossible to verify whether these occurrences were legitimate, there exists a surprisingly large amount of footage attesting to such practises.

 
While it is possible that some of this bountiful equipment will enter service with the Azerbaijani military, the majority will likely be scrapped or held back to be displayed as future monuments. Indeed, preparations for the construction of a Patriotic War Memorial Complex and Victory Museum in Baku had already commenced in early January 2021. Located just a few hundred metres away from the parade ground, among the displayed items are a sizeable number of armoured fighting vehicles and trucks, including several examples that also featured in the parade.

There this armament will remain as a testament not only to one of the more stunning upsets in the history of this region, but also to the consequences of inadequate military planning in the face of a rapidly modernising adversary. As they slowly gather dust, other nations will take note of what happened here, and the consequences of this brief but violent conflict will reverberate in the lessons they learn and changes they make.


[1] Foreign Ministry Spokesman Denies Iran Is Transiting Russian Arms To Armenia https://iranintl.com/en/world/foreign-ministry-spokesman-denies-iran-transiting-russian-arms-armenia
[2] The Fight For Nagorno-Karabakh: Documenting Losses on The Sides Of Armenia and Azerbaijan https://www.oryxspioenkop.com/2020/09/the-fight-for-nagorno-karabakh.html
[6] Armenian new multifunctional UAVs being displayed at ArmHiTec 2018 Yerevan exhibition https://armenpress.am/eng/news/928038/armenian-new-multifunctional-uavs-being-displayed-at-armhitec-2018-yerevan-exhibition.html 
[7] Azerbaijan and Armenia accuse each other of breaking ceasefire https://edition.cnn.com/2020/10/10/europe/azerbaijan-armenia-ceasefire-intl/index.html
[8] Məhv edilən düşmən ƏTRK-nin start mövqeyinə çıxarılmasının videogörüntüləri https://youtu.be/Fi8yGuzQors
[9] A few more days and even archaeologists will not be able to find the place of Ganja. Poghosyan https://www.1lurer.am/en/2020/10/05/A-few-more-days-and-even-archaeologists-will-not-be-able-to-find-the-place-of-Ganja-Poghosyan/328058 
[10] Two more "Smerch" belonging to the enemy, which fired at the cities of Barda and Tartar, were destroyed today https://mod.gov.az/en/news/two-more-smerch-belonging-to-the-enemy-which-fired-at-the-cities-of-barda-and-tartar-were-destroyed-today-vide-33498.html
 

This Was Gaddafi’s Personal Italian High-Speed Train

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans
 
An article covering trains on Oryx Blog? Yes, you're not mistaken. We know what you are thinking: Where are the tanks, aircraft or ships? But actually, trains are kind of interesting or some of them at least. Take Japan's Chūō Shinkansen for example, which holds the train world speed record of 603 km/h. Or the Krajina Express, an improvised armoured train used by the Krajina Serb army during the 1990s that looked like a veritable battle fortress. Still not convinced? Then how about Gaddafi's personal Italian high-speed train that's technically still owned by Denmark?

Now that we've got you all aboard (pun intended), let us explore the strange tale of Libya's IC4 high-speed VIP train. The story of how the diesel multiple unit (DMU) trainset ended up in Libya is highly remarkable; it essentially being a sly ploy by then Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi to bribe Gaddafi into selecting Italian firms for Libya's railway projects, which could earn Italy billions if awarded to them. There was just one small problem however: the trainset given to Gaddafi was never owned by Italy.
 
The trainset was actually part of a Danish order of 83 trains for the Danske Statsbaner (DSB), Denmark's national railway operator, from the Italian firm AnsaldoBreda (nowadays known as Hitachi Rail Italy). Originally slated to enter service in 2003, the first IC4 train only began passenger service in late 2007 before operations were halted again several months later owing to several issues with the train. That was perhaps indicative of what was to come, and the build-up of delays and technical issues eventually saw AnsaldoBreda having to refund half the original value of the DKK 5,3 billion (roughly €710 million) contract.

Likely agitated by its loss-making trains, AnsaldoBreda quietly took one of the IC4s still on the production line and converted it to a luxurious VIP train before presenting it to Gaddafi as a present on the 40th anniversary of Gaddafi's rise to power in 2009. Berlusconi had visited Libya days prior to the 40th anniversary of the coup an event shunned by other Western leaders. In addition to showing Gaddafi around his new shiny train, Berlusconi pledged 3.5 billion euros in investments as reparation for Italy's colonisation of Libya (which lasted from 1911 to 1943). [1]
 
 
Reportedly, it took the Danish until 2013 to figure out that one of their trains was not stranded somewhere in Italy, but rather given to Gaddafi and now collecting dust on an abandoned track just outside of Tripoli. [2] It is unlikely that any tears were shed in Copenhagen as a result of the discovery however, and as recently as July 2020, DSB offered 11 of the IC4s for sale in anticipation of phasing out the entire fleet of trains from 2024 and onwards.
 
The irony hardly stops here, as a train is only as good as the tracks it is moving on. This too proved a problem for AnsaldoBreda: there weren't any in Tripoli. In fact, there isn't a single operational railway in the entirety of Libya. In order to at least enable the train to move, three kilometres of double-track railway was laid on which the 'Gaddafi Express' could drive up and down until the proposed railway line between Tripoli and Tunisia was finished. Had this line been completed before the 2011 revolution, Gaddafi might very well have purchased more trains from AnsaldoBreda.

Considering AnsaldoBreda's proven track record in building poor quality trains, Libya actually dodged a bullet with the failure of this plan. The build quality of the IC4s left much to desire – making the trains highly prone to malfunction in Danish service. Similar problems plagued the V250 (another type of Italian high-speed train produced for the Netherlands) and other rail projects by AnsaldoBreda, making it apparent that the issues are inherent to their designs.
 

Compared to contemporary VIP trains used by heads of state all around the world, the Gaddafi Express stands out for its modern design and a top speed of 200 km/h. As most heads of state nowadays almost exclusively rely on aircraft and helicopters to cross any distance that's too inconvenient to traverse by car, the concept of a dedicated VIP train is slowly becoming a relic of the past. Only Japan operates a similar train to that of the IC4 for its emperor, which has to make do with a top speed of only 130 km/h.
 
Arguably the best known private trains still in active use are those of North Korea's Kim family, which focus on protection rather than on style and high speed. Although all members of the Kim dynasty made extensive use of trains, Kim Jong Il solely relied on them to bring him to faraway places after reportedly developing a fear of flying as the result of a helicopter accident in 1976. Owing to safety concerns, old rolling stock and also due to the sorry state of North Korea's railroads, which in some sections only allow speeds of less than 40 km/h, these trains usually move at the snail's pace of only 60 km/h.
 

At least a part of Gadaffi's IC4's original Danish interior was removed to make way for a VIP lounge for him and his entourage. This was likely specifically installed for the venue between Gaddafi and Berlusconi; had the train ever seen regular service in this configuration, every piece of furniture not bolted to the floor would have shifted throughout the cabin after reaching high speeds or when the train would need to brake.
 
 
In a different section of the Gaddafi Express, sofas were placed longitudinally facing each other. Though seemingly comfortable, this was in fact a feature of the original Danish interior design as well, using small folding seats rather than luxurious sofas. Something the Danish trains did lack however was a conference room, vital for those important strategy discussions while underway to the other end of the three kilometer track outside Tripoli.


The interior of the rest of the train otherwise remains unchanged from that of the original design, which starkly contrasts with the bright colours on the exterior of the IC4 in Libya.

 
The haphazardness with which AnsaldoBreda converted and shipped off the IC4 to Libya is reflected by the fact that the original DSB operator's plaque and all of the Danish stickering was left in place. Had Gaddafi ever made active use of the train, he might have inquired about these Danish markings plastered all over the train. On the other hand, already relying on his aides to help him read a passport, he might simply never have noticed.
 

 
In anticipation of the construction of the railway line to the border with Tunisia, some 30 kilometres of ground in Tripoli's suburbs had already been cleared in 2003, although it would take another six years before construction by China Railway Construction finally started. The entire project was scheduled to take 54 months, but the 2011 revolution quickly brought an end to any construction, and with it Gaddafi's chance to ever actually use his train. [3] 
 
Still, some progress on the line had already been made, most notably near what was destined to become Tripoli central station, where a more than 1 kilometre long underground railway tunnel was constructed. This makes Libya the sole country in the world to have both a high-speed train and an underground railway tunnel, but no actual rail transport. The images below show the entire length of the 3 kilometres long track, the station which is still left in an unfinished state and a part of the underground tunnel (which is now mostly covered by sand).
 
 
Although arguably not the most beautiful train ever designed, its sleek lines can be appreciated in the images below. The text reads: قطار الحياة - 'The Train of Life' and  الجماهيرية الليبية الشعبية الاشتراكية العظمى - 'Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya'.
 
 
A Danish comedian visited the train in March 2013, handing over a poster of Queen Margrethe II of Denmark ''as a gift of the Danish people'' to a Libyan official, which in essence marked the official handing over of the train to Libya. Over the next few years, both weather and vandalism would take their toll on the exterior and interior of the train, but also the railroad tracks themselves, large sections of which have been removed for the steel they contain.
 
 
Gaddafi likely suffered little over his inability to make proper use of his fancy train, given that he could already make use of a vast fleet of VIP aircraft, including a private A340 that even came with its own jacuzzi. Had sufficient track ultimately been laid to allow basic utilisation of the train, the same issues identified by the Danish might have come to plague its operators. But before that, the mere fact that just a single train set had been given, and that there was as of yet no experience in operating these trains in Libya would likely have posed problems of their own. In restrospect, the entire ordeal therefore represented little more than a giant bribe to have Gaddafi buy Italian trains and equipment for its upcoming railways.
 
Since the 2011 revolution, Libya has attempted to restart its railway projects on several occassions. Although none of those attempts has as of yet been successful, when they will this train is unlikely to be part of them. Today, the vehicle perhaps best serves as an icon of a past time in which no tale was too crazy, and considerations of practicality were superseded by lavishness and pipe dreams. Renewed investment of a more realistic nature may well be established with the help from Turkey, the influence of which is rapidly growing in Libya. For now, Gaddafi's train, and with a country's aspirations in railfare, have reached their final station.


 
 
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Made in Armenia: Turkmenistan operates the K6-92 SMG

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans

The Republic of Armenia isn't particularly well known for its military industry, and its arms exports have hitherto remained undocumented. Despite being the host of a promising arms R&D scene throughout much of the 1990s, a lack of funding and orders halted further development before it ever had the chance to really take off. Although offshoots of its designs would later become popular in Chechnya and with criminals throughout the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), this is where the exploits of Armenia's small arms industry were thought to have ended. 
 
That is until several examples of an Armenian-designed submachine gun (SMG) made a surprise appearance in Turkmenistan. The weapon is question is the K6-92 SMG (92 stands for the year it was first produced in: 1992), a simple blowback submachine gun designed in 1991 as a cheap and easy-to-build weapon in the anticipation of an all-out war with Azerbaijan over Nagorno-Karbakh that was looming at the time. The K6-92's most notable aspect is perhaps its distinctive crude finish, which almost gives it the appearance of an improvised firearm.

Looks aside, the K6-92 is quite an effective SMG and by virtue of its influence also the most successful Armenian arms design. In fact, some of our readers might already have noticed the similarity between the K6-92 and the Chechen 'Borz' (Wolf) SMG, a designation given to a whole range of improvised SMGs hailing mostly from Chechnya that were originally patterned after the K6-92's design, but in later iterations had little in common except for their outward appearance.

 
Upon modern Armenia's independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, the country almost immediately set out to establish an indigenous small arms industry to complement the AK(M) and AK-74 rifles, PK(M) machine guns and SVD marksman rifles it had just inherited. One of the first attempts at producing a firearm was made by Vahan S. Manasian, who also lend his name to the design of the assault rifle (Vahan). Chambered in 5.45x39mm, the Vahan was an interesting albeit dated attempt at designing an assault rifle, and was never seriously considered for adoption by the Armenian Army.
 
The Vahan may have been lacking in innovative features, Armenia's next attempt at designing an assault rifle more than made than up for it. The 5.45x39mm K3 bullpup assault rifle is the most advanced design coming out of Armenia. Nonetheless, it appears that production ceased shortly after its inception in 1996, likely due to an absence of any actual orders. Although it is sometimes speculated that the small numbers produced found their way to select units of Armenia's special forces, these reports appear to stem entirely from the sighting of K-3 rifles in the hands of a segment of special forces during Armenia's 2006 independence day parade. Never seen in (operational) use again, this appears to have been a one-off publicity stunt.

During the same period, Armenian arms manufacturer Garni-ler also set out to design a series of marksman rifles known as the K11. Bearing outward resemblance to a hunting rifle or even an eleborate toy gun, the project doesn't appear to have advanced beyond prototype status. Attempts to develop the K2 semi-automatic pistol, V1 SMG and the 12.7mm K15 anti-materiel rifle all appear to have met a similar fate. The continued acquisition of foreign weaponry and more recently the license production of the Russian AK-103 assault rifle appear to have put an end to the possibility of future Armenian arms designs entering service. [1] Of course, production of the proven AK-103 assault rifle is no small feat, and will almost certainly benefit Armenia (and its small arms industry) more than any indigenous design could.
 
 
And so it happened that Armenia's first and arguably least ambitious attempt at designing a firearm also became its most successful one. The K6-92 submachine gun is a simple weapon capable of single-shot or fully-automatic firing. Chambered in 9x18mm Makarov, the weapon uses a 24-round detachable box magazine, although a 16-round magazine also exists. The latter is entirely insufficient for sustained fully-automatic firing, but does allow the weapon to be more easily concealed under a coat or in a bag.
 
Somewhere during the 1990s, an improved version of the design was introduced, which would become known as the K6M. Aside from a higher rate of fire, the selector switch was relocated and the length of the SMG was appreciably shortened. While the K6-92 would enter service with the Armenian Army and police forces in small numbers, neither the K6M nor the aforementioned V-1 SMG appear to have entered service. Still, several variations of each K6 design exist. Most notably, some 'K6Ms' are in fact shortened K6-92s rather than true K6Ms, while others carry variations in the type of top-folding stock. A comparison between the K6-92 (top), short K6-92 (middle) and K6M (bottom) can be seen in the image below.
 

Undoubtedly owing to the simplicity of its construction, the K6-92 became a popular choice for gunsmiths in conflict-stricken Chechnya. How Chechnya acquired its K6-92s is still a matter of debate, with some arguing that a production line for them was set up in the capital Grozny. Alternatively, the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria imported small batches of the K6-92 directly from Armenia before the First Chechen War in 1994. In any case, the design clearly became the inspiration for a host of improvised submachine guns (as seen below). As the war progressed and materiels became more scarce, the commonality with the original K6-92 decreased considerably.


While Chechen gunsmiths were still working overtime to provide embattled fighters with all kinds of DIY contraptions, it appears that Armenia had already secured its second export deal for the K6-92. As the observant reader may be able to deduce at this point, the deal in question concerned the delivery of SMGs to Turkmenistan. Although it's unknown when precisely Turkmenistan acquired the SMG, the fact that they took delivery of the K6-92 rather than of the K6M hints at a delivery in the early-to-mid 1990s.
 
Nonetheless, it would take until 2019 before they were first seen during an exercise of the State Border Service of Turkmenistan and Internal Troops in 2019. Here they were a surprising sight amongst heaps of modern weaponry like the ARX-160 and TAR-21 assault rifles and MP5 and X95 SMGs. Despite such large-scale small arms procurements the K6-92 clearly has not been decommissioned or put in storage. That the K6-92 still sees service next to these modern competitors is a testimony to the robustness of its design.
 

Though its legacy remains modest, the K6-92 nowadays serves as a testament to a time when Armenia was still designing its own small arms, and a reminder of the unpredictable impact of even the most obscure weaponry. Armament no matter how limited its production run always winds up appearing in surprising corners of the world, in the process often laying bare some interesting facet of the international arms trade that was hitherto unknown. To the analyst, there is perhaps no topic more fascinating than this pursuit of the small, in the search for a bigger picture.
 
 

Al-Watiya - From A Libyan Super Base To Turkish Air Base

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans
 
Al-Watiya. An airbase few had ever heard of until it became a symbol in the fight of the internationally-recognised government of Libya (GNA) against Khalifa Haftar's Libyan National Army (LNA) that seeks to overthrow it. While its capture on the 18th of May 2020 temporarily managed to put the spotlight on the severely underreported Libyan conflict, not the least because of the destruction and capture of two Russian Pantsir-S1 missile systems supplied by the UAE, the full implications of the capture of al-Watiya have gone mostly unnoticed.

More than just a local success story for the Government of National Accord, al-Watiya was a major stronghold in the LNA's offensive line around Tripoli. Tasked with protecting and supporting the Western flank of the LNA's military thrust into Tripoli, what was left of Haftar's prospects of capturing Libya's capital crumbled with the loss of this key airbase. The freeing up of GNA forces as a result of the capture and the subsequent increase in pressure on other fronts around Tripoli made the LNA's and Wagner PMC's position in this part of the country untenable, leading to a chaotic retreat from Western Libya and ending Haftar's long-held dream of capturing Tripoli and installing himself as self-proclaimed president of Libya.

Faced with this new reality, the LNA's foreign backers (Egypt, the UAE, Jordan, France and Russia) scrambled to prevent further GNA advances into LNA-held territory, deploying ever more mercenaries to the country and even reinforcing Wagner's contingent with Russian Su-24 and MiG-29 fighter aircraft. Hell-bent on succeeding in its quest to install Haftar as the sole ruler of Libya, the UAE has gone to great lengths in order to achieve its strategic objectives in the country. Mirroring the UAE's lack of a cohesive strategy in Yemen, the resulting policy has achieved little result on the ground however. Having invested billions into securing a victory in the Libyan conflict over a period of more than six years, the UAE might consider its stakes in the conflict simply too large to back down now, instead doubling down in an attempt to secure an unlikely victory.
 

What exactly the UAE's next course of action would entail became evident already shortly after the LNA's retreat from Western Libya. Doing what the UAE does best, Abu Dhabi began to look for ways to further outsource the conflict to private military contractors (PMCs) to make up for the LNA's inefficiency in battle. The groundwork for increased mercenary participation in the conflict was already laid during the LNA's failure to advance in Tripoli, when the involvement of Wagner increased markedly and the UAE began to look for other powers to achieve a breakthrough. The UAE's search would take it to Erik Prince, who subsequently pitched two operations via Christiaan Durrant, both of which ultimately failed to materialise. [1] Other mercenaries include Chadian, Syrian and Sudanese fighters, some of which were lured on the false pretences of working as security guards in the UAE, only to be shipped off to Libya against their will. [2]
 
In these latter cases, mercenaries unsurprisingly proved to be ineffectual troops, merely suitable for holding defensive positions rather than enabling the offensive breakthrough the UAE was looking for. With little other forces available to outsource the war in Libya to, the UAE then faced a choice. It could significantly increase its backing for Wagner PMC, but in doing so potentially risking its preferential position as one of the U.S.' staunchest allies, possibly even facing the threat of sanctions. Alternatively, the UAE could use the failure of the Tripoli offensive as an excuse to slowly wind down its involvement in Libya and reach a breakthrough not on the battlefield but on the negotiation table. Undoubtedly bolstered by confidence in a U.S. government that was either unwilling or unable to act, Abu Dhabi boldly opted for choice number one, and doubled down on its support for Wagner PMC.
 
In what constituted a drastic shift in the UAE's foreign policy of exclusively engaging in coalitions with the US and the NATO, Abu Dhabi quietly entered into alliance with Russia. In doing so, the UAE essentially gave Russia free reign to establish a definite military foothold on the Southern border of NATO. The first effects of this were almost immediately noticable on the ground, as the UAE handed over its remaining Russian-made Pantsir-S1 missile systems to the LNA and later Wagner and opened its al-Khadim airbase in Eastern Libya to Russian Su-24 fighter-bombers (Russia had previously used its own Pantsir-S1s in November 2019 to shoot down two MQ-9 Reaper UAVs - one belonging to Italy, the other to the US - flying near Tripoli). [3] The frequently asked question whether the UAE directly funds Wagner PMC's deployment to Libya is thus entirely irrelevant, as it was the UAE's interference in Libya brought them there in the first place. Of course, the supply of advanced SAM systems to Wagner and the stationing of Su-24s on a UAE airbase in Libya are all suggestive of some new play in the larger geopolitical game; a turning point for the UAE's ambitions in Northern Africa.

Interestingly, this turn of events appears to have been largely ignored in Western European and U.S. circles. In fact, while Turkey was harshly punished for its decision to acquire the Russian S-400 SAM system, the funding, deployment and equipping of what is essentially the Russian military on the doorstep of the Southern border of NATO by the UAE has so far been left without consequences. On the contrary, the UAE was green-lighted to purchase 50 F-35 stealth fighters as recently as November 2020. Of course, the lack of a clear U.S. policy on Libya during the Trump administration is hardly surprising, but the affair nevertheless raises serious questions about the consistency with which the U.S. deals with its allies.
 
 
For Turkey, its highly efficient use of drones in Libya has boosted its growing foreign policy assertiveness to shape an entirely new foreign policy: that of Bayraktar Diplomacy. Based around small-footprint interventions that seek to maximise both political and military impact at low financial and humanitarian cost, Bayraktar Diplomacy essentially constitutes a new type of warfare that is uniquely well-suited to the characteristics of modern-day conflicts. Although the drones through which it is typically effected are relatively cheap, and actually expendable, Bayraktar Diplomacy is in fact so effective that it can be said to have decided the fate of nations: without the Bayraktar TB2 the GNA could well have been wiped out in Libya.

On the ground, Turkey restructured GNA forces in Tripoli, allowing them to mount an effective defence of the city's suburbs and eventually take the fight to the LNA. Doing what the UAE failed to do, Turkey actually began to train local forces rather than merely supplying them with arms and equipment. This approach paid off tremendously, and now armed with anti-tank guided missiles (ATGMs), anti-materiel rifles and supported by artillery fire and drones, GNA forces could now turn streets into killzones for anyone brave enough to contest them.
 
In the long run, the capture of al-Watiya provides Turkey with the perfect opportunity to increase its support to the internationally-recognised government at a moment's notice. In this sense, al-Watiya acts as a guarantee for the continued survival of the GNA, as the airbase could be used to quickly reinforce the GNA or even deploy a Turkish military contingent if hostilities flare up again. Indeed, the fact that al-Watiya has already been prepared for the deployment of F-16s shows that Turkey's commitment to the GNA is unlikely to abate soon.
 

But before continuing with the recent spate of developments, it is insightful to consider the history of the airbase. Al-Watiya was originally constructed by French contractors during the 1970s, and housed a large part of Libya's Mirage fleet before their gradual withdrawal due to a lack of spare parts in the 1990s. The layout of al-Watiya was subsequently used to construct several similar airbases throughout Libya, most notably al-Bumbah near Tobruk, and its size would only ever be triumphed by the massive Ghardabiya airbase located near Sirte, which with its whopping 80 hardened aircraft shelters is still the biggest airbase in Africa.  
 
The number of hardened aircraft shelters is of little relevance if you do not have the aircraft to fill them however. While there had been plenty of types to justify al-Watiya's size during the Cold War, political isolation and negligence took a severe toll on the Libyan Air Force. Even though the arms embargo on Libya was lifted in 2003, Gaddafi made little effort to rebuild his air force, and by 2011 al-Watiya was home to just a half-dozen operational aircraft: three Mirage F1s and at least three Su-22 fighter-bombers. This was a far cry from the hundreds of combat aircraft operated by the Libya during the 1980s and 1990s, yet the six aircraft at al-Watiya ironically still made up roughly one-third of the Libyan Air Force's combat strength.

 
Located relatively far away from the main events of the 2011 revolution, the Mirages at al-Watiya were nonetheless quickly ordered in action against crowds of protestors. But rather than unleashing their deadly payload on civilians in the streets, the two Mirage F1s tasked with doing so immediately defected to Malta after taking off from al-Watiya on the 21st of February 2011. With the loyalty of the air force now in doubt, al-Watiya played no further serious role until the NATO intervention several weeks later. Located high on NATO's target list, all remaining operational aircraft at al-Watiya were swiftly neutralised by precision-guided munitions. Four Hardened Aircraft Shelters (HAS) with the aircraft still inside and one Su-22 and two helicopters parked outside were targeted at al-Watiya. Also hit were several munition depots, the detonations of which were so severe it left crates as wide as forty metres.
 
Tasked with protecting al-Watiya were five surface-to-air missile (SAM) sites, comprising two S-75 (NATO designation: SA-2) and three S-125 (SA-3) batteries. Three batteries were still active in 2011, but were quickly rendered useless after their radar systems were taken out by NATO precision strikes. The firing units of the SAM sites were then removed by rebel forces in June 2011, leaving al-Watiya defenceless against any future incursions by air.
 

When the two Mirages that escaped to Malta finally returned to Libya in February 2012, they began to operate from Mitiga airbase located in Tripoli proper, leaving al-Watiya with no aircraft assigned to it. Still, the airbase remained of some importance for the fledgling democracy. This was not justfor the strategic location it occupies, but rather for the many Mirage F1s found stored in the forty-five hardened aircraft shelters located on the base. These aircraft could still be overhauled with foreign help, allowing the country to slowly rebuild its air force at little cost.

 
Although originally under the control of Libya Dawn (which handed over power to the GNA in January 2016), following the effective split of Libya into two separate zones in 2014 al-Watiya was quickly captured by the Libyan National Army on the 9th of August that year. The LNA immediately set out to restore several aircraft found at the airbase to operational condition, a task that was not to be underestimated given that all the aircraft stored here were originally decommissioned because of a lack of spare parts. 
 
That the LNA was now attempting to bring back several aircraft to operational condition so close to Tripoli (the seat of Libya Dawn) must have been a thorn in the eye of Libya Dawn, which made every effort to hinder this process. Unfortunately for Dawn, it possessed no weaponry that could accurately and effectively target the hardened aircraft shelters and thus disrupt the work that was going on inside of them. Not to be deterred, Dawn began flying reconnaissance sorties close to al-Watiya in an effort to gather intelligence on the airbase and so hopefully see where work on these aircraft was taking place. One if its Schiebel Camcopter S-100 rotary UAVs crashed close to the airbase in January 2015, and it's unknown if these sorties ever provided Dawn with any kind of useful intelligence. [4]
 
A more hands on approach (possibly prompted by such intelligence) at stopping the LNA from overhauling aircraft became available to Dawn in early 2015, using a MiG-25PU two-seat conversion trainer converted to a makeshift bomber. The newly overhauled aircraft seemed to have only one weapon pylon on each side, each carrying just a single FAB-500T for a total of two of the 500kg general purpose bombs, limiting the operational capabilities of the aircraft. However, a more significant problem it may have faced during bombing runs arises from the terrible accuracy usually associated with using aircraft that were never designed for this role and ordnance. As such, it would already have been a small miracle if any of the maximum of two bombs dropped from the aircraft would have hit the airbase, let alone the hardened aircraft shelter it was originally targeting.

Not that any of this really mattered, as the MiG-25PU already crashed on its first operational sortie near Zintan (a city located close to the airbase) in May 2015. Some four years later, in April 2019, the sole remaining Mirage F1ED of the GNA crashed under similar circumstances near al-Watiya. The pilot managed to eject from the ill-fated aircraft and miraculously avoided LNA search parties scouring the area for him. Finding shelter with a shepherd that was willing to shelter him, he hid for several days before being extracted by a GNA team sent to rescue him. [5]


Following a brief period of frequent but highly ineffective attempts at challenging the LNA's control over al-Watiya, Libya Dawn (and later the GNA) largely gave up contesting the LNA's ownership over the airbase save for sporadic clashes in the vicinity of the base. The LNA could from then on operate undisturbed at al-Watiya for some four years, and it made good use of this time by bringing three Su-22s and two Mirage F1s (one F1ED interceptor, the other a F1AD fighter-bomber) back to service. During this period, the airbase also saw frequent deployments of MiGs and helicopters in support of LNA offensives in the region, and cargo aircraft regularly brought in reinforcements and supplies for the same reason.
 

But this was all about to change when Turkey intervened on behalf of the internationally-recognised government in the summer of 2019. Supplying the GNA with a small fleet of Bayraktar TB2s, its forces could now target any structure at al-Watiya with pinpoint accuracy using MAM-L (fitted with a thermobaric warhead) and MAM-C (fitted with a high-explosive warhead) munitions. That the LNA and UAE had never anticipated this development is putting it lightly, as both had failed to install even a basic air defence capability to the vicinity of the base. Even when increasing number of Emirati Pantsir-S1s began to arrive in Libya, almost all of these ended up southeast of Tripoli, where they would ultimately prove incapable of tackling the drone threat overhead. The hunter soon became the hunted, and at least six of them were destroyed by Bayraktar TB2s.

With no threat of air defence systems to speak of, TB2s could operate over al-Watiya with complete impunity. The LNA woke up to this new reality on the 19th of June 2019, when one of its Su-22s was targeted while parked on the taxiway. [6] Where Libya Dawn had previously struggled to effect even a minor hinder to operations at al-Watiya, the GNA could now spot and target anything that moved on the ground while remaining completely unnoticed. Continued operations at al-Watiya became all but impossible as a result, and activities on the base came to a grinding halt. This also appears to have a put an end to the overhaul of several aircraft still stranded at the airbase, as any signs of activity near one of the hardened aircraft shelters could have alerted a TB2 possibly flying overhead, which could then target the HAS and the aircraft undergoing overhaul in it. In effect, al-Watiya was in lockdown since the summer of 2019, with Bayraktar TB2s enforcing the rules.
 

Even in the face of this constant aerial threat, neither the LNA, the UAE nor Wagner made any attempt to reinforce the local garrison with air defence systems. This situation persisted until the 16th of May 2020, when the LNA finally deployed two of its Pantsir-S1s to al-Watiya. Though a prudent decision, it did so in the middle of a GNA offensive that sought to capture the airbase. This offensive was of course supported by Bayraktar TB2s, which must have quickly spotted the systems (that had their radars turned on) as they entered the grounds of the airbase. Of course, the fact that the soldiers escorting the convoy filmed themselves while underway to al-Watiya airbase can't have been benificial to operational security either. Even the operators of the TB2 must have watched in amazement as the LNA drove the Pantsir-S1s into two hardened aircraft shelters without being aware of the drone flying overhead.

One of the two systems was targeted immediately after entering the HAS by a missile that aimed for the open entrance rather than the HAS itself, presumably because the operators weren't sure if the munitions would penetrate the concrete-reinforced structure. Although this turned out to be the Pantsir-S1's saving grace, the LNA would not be able to reap the fruits of its survival, as it only meant the GNA would later capture this sophisticated piece of equipment intact. The other system was destroyed a day later after a MAM-L had struck the doors of the hardened aircraft shelter, possibly trapping the Pantsir-S1 inside. The HAS was then hit again by some type of precision-guided munition, resulting in a catastrophic explosion that blew out half of the reinforced structure. One day later, on the 18th of May, al-Watiya fell to the GNA, whose fighters immediately drove to the targeted shelters to find one of both Pantsir-S1s parked inside mostly unscathed. Deploying these valuable Pantsir-S1s in the midst of an offensive was a risky move, perhaps wrought from desperation at the onslaught caused by drone warfare. Whether it was calculated or not, it is certain taking this risk did not pay off in the end.
 
With several Bayraktar TB2 drones giving chase, it is entirely understandable that LNA forces had little appetite for recovering the damaged Pantsir and taking it with them on their retreat from the airbase. Nevertheless, there is little excuse for their failure to destroy the system to prevent it falling into enemy hands. This painful loss highlights the inherent risk of passing such advanced weaponry on to forces that have little idea of their importance of the systems they're operating, or the underlying political game they've unwittingly become part of.
 
 
You might be surprised to hear that the stationing of Emirati Pantsir-S1s in Libya was once a well-kept secret, with its Emirati crews successfully adhering to strict operational security (OPSEC) rules. This changed when the UAE started training LNA soldiers on the systems, which even filmed themselves during their training. This incident was perhaps indicative of what was to come, and further digital trails left by the crews of these systems may well have led the GNA to locate and strike a Pantsir-S1 on more than one occasion. At the same time, the fact that the Pantsir-S1s were passed on to the LNA in the first place is believed to have been a direct result of the Bayraktar TB2's appearance in this theatre of war. Rather than risk the lives of its own soldiers, and by now all too aware of the deficiencies of the Pantsir-S1, the UAE instead passed on the burden of operating these systems to the LNA. Seen below, a LNA soldier proudly posing in front of his new mount.
 
 
Following the capture of al-Watiya, the intact Pantsir-S1 (complete with an operator's manual) was quickly taken away and paraded through Tripoli. Having come to symbolise a turning point in the Libyan Civil War, its arrival to the capital was celebrated extensively. Although it was initially believed that the captured Pantsir-S1 was shortly thereafter moved to Turkey to analyse its inner workings, the lessons of which could then be used to counter the system in future conflicts, in January 2021 news instead came that the system had been handed over to the US. [7] While some argued that this was done to prevent the system from falling into the wrong hands, it seems more plausible that the Pantsir-S1 was handed over to the US by either the Turkey or the GNA as a gesture of goodwill.

Unbeknownst to most, GNA forces in fact recovered several Pantsir-S1s left behind on the battlefield. While some of these were extensively damaged by the MAM-L munitions that hit them, others escaped with relatively minor damage to the operator's cabin and radar. It is thus possible that Turkey donated the system in the best condition to the US, while retaining other systems for its own use. In any case, the Pantsir-S1 has at this point been completely compromised to Western intelligence and militaries. Ironically, this is thanks to the efforts of the UAE, which by its liberal deployment and donations of the system helped the US and NATO to an opportunity to acquire the once dreaded asset, with operator's manual and all.

 
Other losses were mitigated more successfully, and all operational aircraft had already been flown out from al-Watiya long before its capture. Still, there were several aircraft stranded at the airbase that couldn't be evacuated owing to technical defects. This included a Su-22 that appears to have been involved in a collision with an object on the ground. Su-22UM3K '16' had been returned to flying condition in February 2016, and flew for some two years before its career-ending accident. Likely requiring a new nose section, the extent of the damage to the aircraft may have made any effort at repairing it prohibitively costly. The fate of the two remaining single-seater Su-22s isn't much better, as a lack of spare parts (a direct result of the loss of al-Watiya) has meant that these are now stored at Benina airbase in Benghazi.

 
Libya's older Su-22 variants were also found stored in some of the remaining forty-one Hardened Aircraft Shelters. Note the thick layer of dust covering the aircraft, which appear to have been left untouched since their retirement in the 1990s. Unsurprisingly, no attempt was made by the LNA at restoring any of these aircraft. Given their old age and a lack of spare parts, this would have been a nigh impossible task to begin with.

 
The only other type of aircraft encountered at al-Watiya in significant numbers was the Mirage F1. Libya had originally acquired 38 Mirage F1s in the late seventies, comprising 16 Mirage F1AD fighter bombers, 16 Mirage F.1ED interceptors and six Mirage F1BD trainers. [8] These aircraft entered service with 1011 and 1012 Squadron based at al-Watiya airbase, and saw intensive use over Chad and the Gulf of Sirte. In the latter case they were pitted in dogfights against U.S. Navy F-14 Tomcats that sought to challenge Libya's claim over the Gulf of Sirte, which Gaddafi had claimed in 1973 as Libyan territorial waters.

The late nineties and the beginning of the 21st century saw the pool of operational airframes continuously dwindling, which forced 1011 Squadron (flying the Mirage F1AD) to eventually stand down, with its aircraft joining the Mirages already in storage. Although Libya was interested in bringing a part of the fleet back to operational condition after the lifting of the arms embargo in 2003, and plans for their overhaul were indeed made, these never came to fruition. As a result of Gaddafi's reluctance to properly fund his military, Libya was left with only two Mirage F1EDs interceptors and one Mirage F1BD trainer at the outbreak of the revolution in 2011.
 
The two Mirage F1EDs were quickly sent off to attack protesters in Benghazi. As mentioned earlier in this article, the pilots, not interested in causing a bloodbath, instead diverted to Malta and asked for political asylum here. These two Mirages later returned to Libya in February 2012, and once again, plans were laid out for the resurrection of the Mirage F1 fleet, with a number of airframes in storage destined to be overhauled at Mitiga airbase. Although several airframes were indeed transferred here, the unrest in Libya put an end to these plans.
 

Following the split of Libya in two separate zones, Libya Dawn inherited the two remaining operational Mirage F1EDs, the overhaul facility at Mitiga airbase in Tripoli and up to twenty-one inoperational Mirage F1s at al-Watiya. But after losing al-Watiya to the LNA, it now had an overhaul facility but no access to airframes to cannabilise, while the LNA now had some two dozen Mirage F1s but no access to an overhaul facility. Nevertheless, each party attempted to make the most out of the situation, and soon more Mirages would take to the skies than in the entire preceding decade.

The GNA, faced with a chronic shortage of pilots, would recruit a total of four foreign mercenary pilots to fly the Mirage F1s for them. Ironically, only one of them had actually flown jet fighters before, with the other three (an airline pilot, a cropduster pilot and a former USAF mechanic) merely seizing the opportunity for an adventure. Perhaps unsurprisingly, two of them quickly crashed their aircraft, resulting in the death of the cropduster pilot and the capture of the USAF mechanic. For those seeking rhyme or reason behind the hiring of three completely unsuitable candidates; the hiring process was handled through intermediaries who cared about little but the money the deals awarded them.

Meanwhile at al-Watiya the LNA succesfully managed to restore one Mirage F1ED and one Mirage F1AD to operational condition, and actually found Libyan pilots to fly them. Nevertheless, they saw little use under the new ownership and were now without access to spare parts as a direct result of losing control over al-Watiya. As a result, the two Mirages along with the Su-22s were put into storage at Benina (Benghazi). By capturing al-Watiya airbase, the GNA thus nearly halved the LNA's air force's operational strength. In the process of doing so, it encountered several Mirage F1s stripped of their radars, avionics and engines by theLNA to serve whatever airframes were still deemed salvageable.

 
Also found at al-Watiya airbase were several other types of aircraft, including at least two MiG-23s (or more accurately, sections of two MiG-23s). While the identity of the seemingly abandoned MiG-23 standing in the background is unknown, the tail section seen in front belonged to the most active MiG-23 in LNA service: MiG-23UB '8008'. This aircraft was used on nearly every front the LNA was fighting on, operating from Benghazi and later Tamanhint and Brak in Central Libya as the LNA began a series of offensives here. '8008' was also used to intercept a Libyan Airlines CRJ900 flying from GNA-held territory, and despite lacking any weaponry to actually bring the aircraft down with, forced it to land at a LNA-controlled airbase. The aircraft was last seen operating from al-Watiya in April 2019, where it would later be fitted with a new tail section. The old one was dumped in this HAS and discovered in its current state.
 
Owing to a lack of spares as well as the age and complexity of the MiG-23, the LNA has faced great difficulties in keeping these aircraft (safely) in the air. Although it initially secured a steady supply of spare parts by taking apart other airframes, the LNA soon began to ran out of airframes that could still be cannibalised. In response, Russia delivered at least one MiG-23 to serve as a source of spare parts, but that could only temporarily relieve the situation. The LNA then began to combine those parts of different airframes that were in the best condition, resulting in instances where a single MiG-23 was actually composed of sections of three different aircraft. It might not come as a surprise that the MiG-23 in Libyan service suffers from very high attrition rates, so far resulting in the deaths of numerous pilots.


Arguably less imposing than the Sukhois, Mirages and MiGs is a SF.260 light (attack) aircraft that was also encountered in one of the HAS. Covered in a thick layer of dust, and with its Gaddafi-era roundels still present on the fuselage, it is likely that this aircraft had been left here prior to 2011. In the back, a destroyed Mi-24P, clearly showing its tail end partly disintegrated.
 
 
A machine that saw more recent use was Mi-24V '852', which appears to be an example that was supplied to the LNA by the UAE. In an effort to strengthen the combat capabilities of the LNA, the UAE acquired several Mi-35Ps from Belarus on behalf of the LNA in 2015. [9] Several Mi-24Vs seem to have been sourced in similar fashion, their country of origin unknown but also likely Belarus. '852' was undergoing repairs at the time of its capture, although a flat tire and the layer of dust on the cockpit windows might indicate that work on it was halted some time before the capture of al-Watiya. Also note the bullet holes in the tail section of the helicopter.

 
This lonely Mi-24V is a sad reminder from the helicoper operations that once took place at al-Watiya: the airbase once was a major hub for Libya's fleet of Mi-25 attack helicopters (an export variant of the Mi-24D). When most of these were decomissioned in favour of more modern Mi-35s (the export variant of the Mi-24V) acquired from the Soviet Union in the late 1980s, the fleet was stored at al-Watiya. 
 
Before their decommissioning, the Mi-25s saw intensive use in Libya's military campaigns in neighbouring Chad, where Libya maintained an almost continuous detachment of aircraft and helicopters. When the Chadians inflicted a series of military defeats on the Libyans, eventually leading to the expulsion of the Libyan military from the country, it also captured huge amounts of military equipment and even aircraft and helicopters. This included at least two Mi-25s (one intact and one damaged), which were taken to the US and France respectively in 1988. [10]

 
Arguably the most interesting yet least useful spoils of war were at least six Mi-24A attack helicopters (as well as at least one Mi-24U training variant) found in one of the many storage halls on the airbase, and at least one more in a HAS (for a total of at least eight). Like the Mi-25s, the older Mi-24A/Us entered service with Libya in the late-1970s, operating alongside the Mi-25 until eventually relegated to the role of advanced trainer before they were finally decommissioned and stored at al-Watiya. 
 
While the Mi-24A has been largely forgotten in the face of the introduction of the Mi-24D and subsequent variants, it appears that Libya was quite pleased with the type, even outfitting them with box-shaped filters to protect the helicopters' engines against sand, dust and foreign object damage (FOD). Also note the huge drop tanks for the Mirage F1 lying around in one of the storage halls in the second image.
 


Also found at al-Watiya were the remains of the few aircraft that were actually operated by the LNA out of the airbase, including a single Su-22 and one Mi-24P. Although no detailed information regarding the loss of the Mi-24P is available, the Su-22 was destroyed by a Bayraktar TB2 drone on the 19th of June 2019. While it remains unknown whether the Su-22 was specifically targeted or rather a target of opportunity, its loss made it painfully clear to the LNA that aerial operations out of al-Watiya had become nigh on impossible.


Several other wrecks appear to be leftovers from the NATO-led airstrikes during the 2011 Libyan Civil War. These include several Su-22s that could have challenged the United Nations Security Council approved no-fly zone in Libya before their destruction by precision-guided bombs.


Two more badly damaged Su-22s were found in a Hardened Aircraft Shelter that had clearly been consumed by fire, presumably after having been struck by a MAM-L munition fired from a Bayraktar TB2 drone in March 2020. [6] While it appears that both aircraft were inoperational at the time of their destruction (even still sporting the Gaddafi-era green Jamahiriya roundel), it is possible that the GNA acted on intelligence indicating that both aircraft were to be overhauled or cannabilised for spare parts by the LNA, which the strike obviously prevented.


As could be expected, much of the equipment once used for operating aircraft and helicopters was also captured. Although all show serious signs of wear, some of these will surely be put to good use in restarting operations from the airbase if the GNA is to deploy some of its aerial assets to al-Watiya in the future.


A significant amount of ordnance could also be seen littered around the airbase, including several types of unguided rockets, general purpose and cluster bombs of Soviet and French origin waiting for the Su-22s, MiG-23s and Mirage F1s that never got to deploy them. As the GNA's own air force only operates a few aircraft that are capable of carrying these bombs, it seems likely that most of the ordnance will continue rusting away, or will be detonated in a remote corner of the airbase for safety reasons.
 


 
In addition to huge amounts of (derelict) aircraft and helicopters, al-Watiya also provided its conquerors with at least three 122mm RM-70 multiple rocket launchers, a single 107mm Type-63 MRL, one T-55 tank, a UAE-supplied TERRIER LT-79 Infantry Mobility Vehicle (damaged), a STREIT Group Spartan IMV, a STREIT Group Armoured TLC-79 (damaged) and numerous technicals. Despite the capture of a Pantsir-S1, this is certainly underwhelming compared to captures elsewhere in Libya, and lends credence to the LNA's claim that they achieved a timely evacuation of the airbase, taking with them everything that could be easily moved. [11]


Footage of massive stashes of crates are a good indicator of the size of the munition stockpiles left behind by the LNA. In the munition-hungry environment of the Libyan battlegrounds these new supplies will surely be very welcome to the GNA.

Much of the captured ammunition was quickly taken away by at least 30 pickup trucks loaded to the brim with crates, presumably for distribution between the various fronts the GNA is fighting at, or to be sold on the black market. Although certainly less glamorous than the aforementioned rows of aircraft and helicopters, it is sure to serve its capturers more effectively.

 
At least one Russian-delivered ammunition crate was also discovered in one of the depots. Markings on the crate indicate that it belonged to a batch of forty crates consigned by the KBP Instrument Design Bureau. KBP is a Russian armament manufacturer that produces a wide range of weapon systems, including several types of cannons, anti-tank guided missiles (ATGMs) and perhaps more importantly, Krasnopol laser-guided artillery shells and the 9M311 series of surface-to-air missiles used by the Pantsir-S1. Although the presence of Pantsir-S1 systems in Libya was confirmed long ago, evidence of Krasnopol artillery rounds in use in Libya has only recently come to light. [12]

 
Shortly after the capture of al-Watiya, Turkish military convoys were already spotted heading in the direction of the airbase. The airbase would soon become a major hub for Turkish activities in the country. Before any sort of activity could take place at al-Watiya however, the area first had to be cleared of mines and unexploded ordnance (UXO). Considering the enormous size of the base, this was a daunting task.
 

Turkish forces then began the arduous process of sorting out the scores of aircraft and helicopters found in the many hardened aircraft shelters and hangars on the base. While most of these will likely be dumped in a disused part of the base or even scrapped, some aircraft might be retained for future use by the GNA. However, since they are already out of spare parts and with little opportunity to purchase new examples in the case of all aircraft but the L-39, even the restoration of several Mirage F1s would only provide the Libyan Air Force with a maximum of two years of operations. By now rendered of little use in the air-to-air role and only capable of delivering dumb bombs and unguided rocket with little accuracy, bringing these aircraft back to operational condition is unlikely to be worth the effort.


To enable flight and ground operations at a considerably higher safety standard than previously administered by the Libyans, the runway and several roads running in between the hardened aircraft shelters were (re)paved. After years and sometimes decades of disuse, most Libyan airbases have bushes or even small trees growing out of their taxi- and runways. Luckily for the personnel now serving at al-Watiya, continued operations by several Mirage F1s and Su-22s meant that the growth of vegetation on the taxiways was 'limited' to small bushes.

Turkey also found a new use for many of the HAS, and it is likely that many of these now shelter materiel such as anti-aircraft guns, ammunition and other equipment used during day-to-day operations on the base. Once safe operations at the airbase were ensured, C-130 and A400M cargo aircraft that previously landed at Misrata could now land at al-Watiya to bring in supplies and equipment for the GNA. The airbase was also readied for the stationing of Turkish F-16s in case hostilities in the country flare up again. Although preparations for such a deployment were undoubtedly ongoing for some time, the first indication of this only appeared in late 2020 when the aprons on each side of the runway received markings for six fighter aircraft each. Of course, when not in use the F-16s can also be housed in the just under 30 HAS that still remain intact.
 

To protect the airbase against Wing Loong UCAVs operated by the UAE or even a random LNA airstrike conducted by a lone MiG, Turkey deployed a wide array of air defence systems on the grounds of the airbase, including two Hawk XXI medium-range surface-to-air missile batteries, Korkut self-propelled anti-aircraft guns and 35mm GDF-003 anti-aircraft guns. Their readiness was quickly put to the test when unidentified aircraft made a surprise attack on one of the newly-deployed Hawk SAM sites on the night of July 4, 2020. [13] The airstrike was likely conducted outside the range of the Hawk systems, and appears to have achieved little in terms of damage. Nevertheless, the goal of the attack might have simply have been to send a signal to Turkey that its activities were still within the targeting range of the countries supporting the LNA.
 
Although the nationality and type of aircraft used in the attack is still a matter of (public) debate, it is highly likely that the attack was carried out by Egyptian or Emirati Mirage 2000 multirole aircraft operating from Sidi Barrani airbase just over the border in Egypt. In what is unlikely to be a coincidence, several Mirage 2000s stationed at this airbase operate with their (national) markings painted over, making them logical candidates to have been responsible for this attack.


Although al-Watiya is sometimes speculated to be a potential deployment site for a Turkish S-400 battery, it is unlikely that such a deployment will take place in the foreseeable future, at least not until enough systems have been acquired to fulfill Turkey's domestic requirement for long-range surface-to-air missile systems. Until that happens, the protection of al-Watiya will be in the hands of several layers of short-to-medium range air defence systems that could prove deadly to any aircraft entering their range. Although the UAE, Egypt or Russia could attempt another strike outside of the range of Turkish air defences using standoff munitions, such a move would likely provoke retaliation strikes or even the deployment of F-16s to al-Watiya this time, a possibility the countries opposing Turkey in Libya are unlikely to be willing to risk.

 
Although the capture of the Pantsir-S1 was celebrated as almost a bigger victory than that of al-Watiya, and certainly garnered media attention, the strategically much more significant outcome is that Haftar's LNA lost a major base of operations, and with it its only chance to take Tripoli. Nonetheless, the Pantsir perhaps best symbolised this drastic turning point in the now six-year long Libyan Civil War a turning point almost entirely brought about by the merits of Bayraktar Diplomacy. At the same time the LNA's foreign backers will be forced to reevaluate their commitment to the LNA. Continuing to invest large sums of money into a conflict might become less palpable with a successful result in doubt, potentially bringing them to the negotiation table to bring an end to the Libyan conflict. Whatever the outcome may be, it is certain that this decisive period of time will be used by Turkey to further strengthen its presence in Libya.
 
The implications of the capture of al-Watiya and subsequent events far exceed the scope of the Libyan War however. With a new U.S. administration in power that seeks to rapidly break with the policies of the Trump administration, the parties in this conflict suddenly run a renewed risk of political escalation as a result of their actions. To the UAE, the fact that it now finds itself in open support of a force that has clashed with the U.S. armed forces on more than one occasion (most notably in the 2018 Battle of Khasham in Syria) could mean it has overplayed its hand. Losing the blessing of its traditional ally and still one of the most influential entities in the region could have drastic consequences, not in the least for the purchase of 50 F-35s it managed to secure in the last hours before Biden's inauguration. For now, the UAE might deem the costs of its Libyan adventures worthwhile. The current geopolitical climate is unpredictable and treacherous however, and it might soon be faced with the reality that more than mere monetary costs are at stake.
 
 
[1] The fighter pilot, the mercenary boss, and the warlord: a modern Libyan war story | Four Corners https://youtu.be/yVc7cHG0ATs
[2] Recruited as Security Guards in the UAE, Deceived into Working in Conflict-Ridden Libya Instead https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/11/01/recruited-security-guards-uae-deceived-working-conflict-ridden-libya-instead 
[3] Lead Inspector General for East Africa And North And West Africa Counterterrorism Operations I Quarterly Report to the United States Congress | July 1, 2020 - September 30, 2020 https://www.dodig.mil/Reports/Lead-Inspector-General-Reports/Article/2427451/lead-inspector-general-for-east-africa-and-north-and-west-africa-counterterrori/ (page 40)  
[4] Austrian-made Schiebel camcopter over al-Watya airbase by Libyan Army https://asian-defence-news.blogspot.com/2015/01/austrian-made-schiebel-camcopter-over.html
[5] Haha like we're going to reveal our source ;) 
[7] The United States Smuggled A Russian-Made Pantsir Air Defense System Out Of Libya: Report https://www.thedrive.com/the-war-zone/38964/the-united-states-smuggled-a-russian-made-pantsir-air-defense-system-out-of-libya-report 
 
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By Joost Oliemans and Stijn Mitzer 
 
When the Cold War ended, and the Iron Curtain was lifted, an era commenced of which the unprecedented spread of information is perhaps its most defining characteristic. The proliferation of media (primarily through the advent of the global internet), increased transparency of nations across the world, and what amounts to the commercialisation of the arms trade have all caused a wealth of knowledge to become accessible even to those with limited resources. This has caused the area of open-source intelligence (OSINT) to bloom like never before, with a vast variety of high quality works on pretty much every imaginable topic suddenly becoming available.
 
Of course, exceptions remained. Some regions were left stuck in a vacuum from which information seeped only slowly due to tight security, poor connectivity or mere neglectfulness. Nevertheless – or perhaps precisely because of this reason – it is often these regions that play a pivotal role in today’s conflict areas. Perhaps the most fragrant such case is the one we have chosen to address in On the Path of Songun. As quite unambiguously the most militarised nation in existence today, the topic of North Korea’s armed forces for a long time resembled an ocean of inaccessible knowledge, surrounded by the impenetrable dyke* that is the DPRK’s (mostly) self-imposed isolation and pathological secrecy.
 
But then, this dyke sprung a leak. In fact, a major rent has since appeared, aiding the aspiring OSINT analyst and allowing him to begin navigating the unknown waters that make up the obscure area of North Korean military matters. The two most important developments that contributed to this change include the increasing availability of commercial satellite imagery, and the fact that North Koreans have eagerly taken advantage of the internet themselves to spread propaganda videos glorifying the leadership and their armed forces. Combining these two sources of information and cross-checking them with more conventional written publications and, of course, copious amounts of our own research, has provided an effective way of essentially rewriting the book on the DPRK’s armed forces and its equipment. 
 
Roughly six years ago, we were not entirely aware of the fact that this was what we were about to set out to do. We were even less aware of the fact that it would take until 2020 to definitively put this thing together. As it happened, two factors would ultimately conspire to keep us one step away from the finish line at all times: 
Factor 1: The North Koreans are surprisingly busy bees when it comes to military innovation. 
Factor 2: The authors of this book are surprisingly bad at deciding when it is time to stop including new material. 
 
The first factor was exacerbated by Kim Jong Un’s renewed dedication to the creation of a credible strategic deterrent for his nation, in the form of his oft-promoted Byungjin Line. The confrontational attitudes between the DPRK, ROK and the USA during the period of writing ever seemed to further egg on the North’s military machine, at times leaving the intelligence community scrambling to keep up with the latest developments. In the end, the (now failed) period of diplomatic rapprochement in 2018/2019 and the implicit cessation of military posturing finally allowed us to catch up, in spite of factor 2, and put a conclusion to what has become an unintentionally complete accounting of all matters related to North Korea’s armed forces, from the Korean War until now. 
 
* Forgive the awkward analogy – both of us are after all Dutch by birth. 

The Armed Forces of North Korea, On The Path Of Songun can be ordered for £45.00 at Helion or at Amazon.

Out Now! Our Book: North Korea’s Armed Forces, On The Path Of Songun

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By Joost Oliemans and Stijn Mitzer
 
The DPRK. Shrouded in mysticism and secrecy, the nation represents an absolute unicum for the military analyst. No other country in the world manages to attract so much scrutiny to its controversial antics, yet divulge so little of material importance about its inner workings. This might be at the heart of why this country specifically has gripped our attention for so many years, and drawn us to write this book about its largely mysterious armed forces. The subject is broad and an aversion towards narrowing down the scope of this project means it has run into numerous delays along the way whilst the word count steadily kept rising. Unpleasant as this may have been in the meantime, this has enabled us to write a more complete treatise of both the Korean People Army's history and its current military convolutions than we could once have hoped for. The common thread found within these pages on all matters related to the North Korean military is proudly extolled on the cover: "On the Path of Songun" it is a subtitle fitting to the subject whichever way you regard it. To the North Koreans, "Songun" is the military first doctrine introduced by Kim Jong Un's father, Kim Jong Il; a supposed masterplan aimed at preserving the nation's sovereignty. Incidently, "On the Path of Songun" is also the title of one of the DPRK's many military documentaries – a highly welcome source of information for analysts like us. Viewed from another angle however, the phrase embodies the confrontational direction that has come to characterise North Korean politics in recent decades. Plastered across headlines through ever escalating tensions and an inexhaustable string of missile launchesand atomic bomb tests, the question this book aims to answer about North Korea's armed forces is implicit to this subtitle: Where did the path of Songun lead them, and where will it next?

Title: North Korea’s Armed Forces, On the path of Songun
Date of publication: September 2020
Binding: Hardcover
Paper size: A4
Pages: 235
Photos: 425 full-colour photos and 30 black-and-white photos
Artworks: 64
Maps: 5 full-colour maps

North Korea’s Armed Forces: On the path of Songun attempts to bring a measure of clarity to the often unclear and complicated state of affairs in the intelligence community of North Korea-watchers. In the process, it seeks to disprove the much-echoed stance that there is little to fear from the DPRK's conventional military capabilities by providing information on a plethora of never-before described weapons systems and modernisation programs. Nonetheless, a full accounting which includes many new findings related to its infamous strategic arsenal also features prominently, as the Korean People's Army today can no longer be properly assessed seperately from its extensive WMD capabilities.

North Korea’s Armed Forces maps the most important events from the inconclusive ceasefire struck at the end of the Korean War, throughout the Cold War until modern day. An especially heavy emphasis is placed on the current status of the Korean People's Army by examining their wealth of indigenously designed weaponry. In the course of the book not only will many of the Korean People's Army’s most secret projects and tactics will be covered, and its conflict history with the South and the world at large is put into new context. Moreover, an up-to-date, comprehensive assessment of the equipment holdings of several branches of the Korean People's Army is included, offering a numerical estimate of its naval and aerial capabilities. From the recently introduced stealth missile boats, ballistic missile submarines and main battle tank families to their often-ignored indigenous aircraft industry, virtually all indigenous weapons systems are discussed extensively.

This exclusive content is illustrated by over 75 detailed color artworks and various maps put together through exhaustive research and analysis, as well as around 450 unique images, many of which have never before been seen by the general public. Through scrutiny of satellite footage, the observation of North Korean propaganda outlets and by carefully examining information from the United States Department of Defense, the DPRK's advances in each of the Korean People's Army's respective branches are uncovered. Nearly all of the 'hermit kingdom’s' military exploits are included and an accurate picture of the North's capabilities in both symmetrical and asymmetrical warfare is provided. This book was written specifically for anyone interested in North Korea's military capabilities, or looking to find answers to the many questions raised by the minefield of contradictory statements and misinformation that make up current literature about this reclusive nation.

The Armed Forces of North Korea, On The Path Of Songun can be ordered for £45.00 at Helion or at Amazon.

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Trench Warfare Revisited: Armenia’s Indigenous Remote-Controlled Armament

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans
 
Armenia's small population and limited economic means force the country to come up with creative solutions to address the obsolescence of its military hardware and to introduce entirely new capabilties to its armed forces. Through the years this has led to a highly active R&D industry that has received little media attention outside of its own borders. While most of its projects never progressed beyond prototype status due to a lack of funding, those with a more limited scope (thus requiring less financial commitment) usually had more success. 
 
One of these projects comprises a PKT machine gun that has been adapted to allow to fire it from cover with a thermal sight connected to a screen for aiming. This highly interesting contraption was first shown in use with Armenian forces during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war, and was examined in more detail after having been captured by Azerbaijani forces as they overran Armenian positions. [1] [2] Unsightly but efficient in its intended role, the system is a clear example of the adaptive nature that has come to typify the Armenian defence industry.


Of course, we can't entirely blame you for opining that the device looks like a modern adaption of something that came straight out of the trenches of the Somme and Verdun during the First World War. Engaged in a bitter standoff ever since the ceasefire agreement of 1994, Armenian trenches along the line of contact were in fact reminiscent of those of World War I, with both sides separated only by a thin strip of no-man's land littered with mines and other obstacles. The network of defensive fortifications changed little over the past decades, and often still resembled temporary fighting positions rather than modern defensive structures.

While these trenches can be a nightmare for any military ground force to approach and eventually overcome, they proved of little defensive value in the face of Azerbaijani Bayraktar TB2 drones, which could fly circles above them and carefully select which positions were worth targeting either with their own MAM-L munitions or precision-guided munitions delivered by rocket artillery. As a result, most trench lines and positions fell to this invisible opponent long before the enemy it was supposed to keep at bay ever came in sight.

Still, a small fleet of UCAVs can only cover a limited area, and several defensive lines found themselves instead facing repeated artillery barrages on their positions followed by mechanised or infantry assaults. While most of these eventually succeeded in dislodging Armenian soldiers from their positions, other positions managed to keep Azerbaijani forces at bay for days or week on ends. This was true especially in the North of Nagorno-Karabakh, where the mountainous terrain and fierce resistance by Armenian forces limited advances made by Azerbaijan for the entire duration of the 44-day long war.
 
 
The weapon used is the PKT machine gun, a variant of the PK that was specifically designed for use as a coaxial mount in Soviet tanks and AFVs (hence its name, PK-Tank). Designed for remote firing from the onset (by means of an electric solenoid trigger), the PKT needed little modification for its new role as a remote weapon system. Another benefit of the PKT is the size of the magazine, which holds an impressive amount of 250 7.62×54mmR rounds. To enable long periods of almost continuous firing before having to bring in additional magazines, a basket for a spare magazine was welded on the right side of the metal structure.
 
Incidentally, Armenia was already in the possession of large numbers of PKT machine guns, with no apparent practical use for them. These PKTs once equipped BRDM-2 reconnaissance vehicles and BTR-60 armoured personnel carriers (APCs), but after most of these vehicles were relegated to reserve status and eventually decommissioned by the Armenian military, their weaponry was put into storage. Rather than leaving this potentially useful armament to rot, sizeable numbers were then converted to remote weapon systems.

 
The operating method of the system is as simple as it looks, with the PKT fitted to a rudimentary metal structure on top of a pole that can be heightened just above the trenchline when in use, and lowered back into cover when not in use or when having to reload. The gunner aims through the screen in front of him that's linked to a Russian Infratech IT-615 thermal sight located on the left of the weapon. When someone enters his crosshairs, the gunner presses the trigger on one of two handlebars, which he also uses to aim the weapon system. [3] [4] What appears to be a battery for the thermal sight is crudely fitted to the left side of the metal structure, although this doesn't appear to be installed on every example.
 

The PKT contraption is not the only attempt made by Armenia at designing automated gun emplacements. Another project called for the automisation of anti-aircraft guns for use against ground targets, and a prototype based on the 14.5mm ZPU-2 anti-aircraft gun was actually built. To increase the lethality of the system against armoured targets, a 73mm SPG-9 recoilless rifle (RCL) was additionally slaved to it. This combination could prove deadly against the armour of anything up to a tank, with BMP infantry fighting vehicles (IFVs) loaded with infantry likely being particularly suitable targets. 
 
Fully remote-controlled and aimed by the means of a thermal sight, the only human intervention required would be reloading the SPG-9 after each shot and the ZPU-2 after firing off the 2400 rounds stowed in the guns' two huge magazines. Like the PKT machine guns, the ZPU-2s too had been retired from active service in Armenia. However, much in common with most other Armenian indigenous military projects, any further development and an eventual introduction into the armed forces appears to have been prevented by a lack of budget.


Meanwhile a more advanced iteration of the PKT weapon system concept was also in the works, and first unveiled during the ArmHiTec 2018 military exhibition in Yerevan. [5] This version of the PKT could finally be called truly remote-controlled, with the operator of the box system sitting in the safety of an underground bunker. Perhaps unsurprisingly at this point, a lack of budget precluded the introduction of this promising weapons system.
 
The only real downside of the box system is that it has to be manually reloaded each time after emptying its relatively small magazine. This could be a dangerous endeavour depending on the location of the gun box, and could entail Armenian soldiers having to climb to elevated positions in the view of the enemy to reload the system for continued use. Although the magazine used likely contains up to 150 7.62mm rounds, these can be quickly spent in anger, given the weapon's firing rate of 750 rounds per minute.
 
 
Although Armenia's PKT contraptions could not turn the tide in a war which was ultimately decided in the skies, and not in trenches, they remain a first-rate example of cost-effective ingenuity in the face of limited means. With its army in tatters after a catastrophic defeat, it is likely that the nation will call on this ingenuity to provide its military with weaponry suitable for the new military balance and the type of warfare witnessed during the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War. When provided with sufficient funding, Armenia's indigenous military industry could well surprise friend and foe alike, and slowly begin to return the country from the adverse condition it currently finds itself in.

Qatar’s Purchase of BP-12A SRBMs: A Guppy Sprouts Teeth

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans
 
Qatar surprised friends and foes alike by parading Chinese BP-12A short-range ballistic missiles (SRBM) during its national day parade on the 15th of December 2017. Making their public debut in the parade, the BP-12A is the first weapons system of its kind in Qatari service. Nevertheless, Qatar is only the last country in the region to come into possession of ballistic missiles. While some think-tank analysts have come out in force to denounce this ''highly aggressive move on behalf of Doha'', its introduction by Qatar is actually a more nuanced matter. [1]
 
For all its significance, one still could easily have overlooked the transporter erector launchers (TELs) amongst the scores of Leopard 2A7s, PzH 2000 SPGs and other highly advanced weaponry acquired by Qatar in the past decade. Originally possessing the least powerful military in the region, with even neighbouring Bahrain (which is just 6.56% the size of Qatar) proving a stronger foe on paper, Doha embarked on a massive international acquisitions spree in the early 2010s to fill in the gap in capabilities. As soon became evident, this drastic shift in Qatar's defence outlook came not a moment too soon.
 
On the 5th of June 2017, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain and Egypt sent shockwaves through the Arab world by imposing a blockade on Qatar and cutting all diplomatic and trade ties with Doha, accusing it of supporting international ''terrorism'' and ''destabilising the region'' for maintaining closer ties to Iran than the other countries in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) would like. Although clearly meant to bring Qatar to its knees, the blockade ultimately achieved little but to serve as an annoyance to Doha.
 
 
The diplomatic crisis did serve as a reminder that the possibility of conflict is always looming in the background, and that a strong military is arguably the best deterrent to prevent political disputes from quickly escalating into armed conflicts. Immediately after the blockade, Qatar doubled down on expanding its military so as to also face the threat of an actual invasion of the country itself. With its armed forces exhibiting exponential growth, its efforts at creating an effective deterrent to its neighbours have been anything if not realistic. 
 
While Qatar is renowned for purchasing almost every type of Western fighter jet currently on the market, including the Rafale, F-15QA, Eurofighter Typhoon and with the country currently even showing serious interest in the F-35, its attempts at strengthening its capabilities have gone beyond merely bolstering its air force. [2] Most notably, Doha is completely revamping its navy through the acquisition of a multi-role amphibious ship, corvettes and patrol vessels from Italy. Less notable is the introduction of hundreds of highly mobile and heavily armed Armoured Combat Vehicles from the Turkish manufacturer Nurol Makina for its land forces.
 
But while the capabilities of Qatar's air force and navy merely lagged behind those of its neighbours, large parts of its ground forces could be called outright outdated. Even as recently as the early 2010s, the French AMX-30 MBT dating from the 1960s still made up the iron fist of Qatar's land forces. The situation wasn't much better for its artillery forces, where the open-topped Mk F3 155mm SPG from the same era was still the weapon of choice. Mirroring developments worldwide, a quest to introduce modern, longer-ranged systems packing a heavier punch was clearly in order.
 

Qatar's interest in operating short-range ballistic missiles predates the 2017 diplomatic crisis however, and its first attempt to acquire such weaponry can already tracked back to 2012, when it requested permission from the US to purchase seven M142 HIMARS multiple rocket launchers and 60 MGM-140 ATACMS Block IA T2K tactical ballistic missiles for an estimated $406 million. [3] For reasons unknown, this acquisition eventually failed to materialise. Nonetheless, it signified that its later acquisition of BP-12As wasn't merely an attempt at challenging the status quo in the region, but rather the fulfilment of a longtime requirement for such systems.

What did materialise was a Bahraini acquisition of 110 MGM-140 ATACMS in 2018, adding to an arsenal of 30 missiles of the same type already in service since the early 2000s. [4] [5] [6] To the South, Saudi Arabia made rapid strides at strengthening its own missile arsenal through the acquisition of Chinese DF-21 medium-range ballistic missiles (MRBM) and the financing of the Ukrainian Hrim-2 SRBM (which is set to enter service in 2022). To the East, the UAE acquired at least 224 MGM-140 ATACMS since 2013 while also continuing to operate North Korean Hwasong-6 ballistic missiles with a range of some 500 kilometres. More on North Korean armament in service with the UAE can be read in our article here. One of the few nations in Qatar's neighbourhood that does not operate ballistic missiles, Oman, in fact pushed eagerly for the acquisition of MGM-140 ATACMS in the late 2000s as well, though no such purchase was in fact effected possibly due to budgetary constraints. [9]

With all of Qatar's neighbours having hundreds of ballistic missiles in their arsenals, most of which with a range that only allows them to realistically target each other if launched from their respective territories, the introduction of the BP-12A does little to alter the military balance in the region. The US incidentally affirmed this view, describing the proposed 2012 Qatari deal to acquire MGM-140 ATACMS as follows:

''The proposed sale will improve Qatar's capability to meet current and future threats and provide greater security for its critical infrastructure. The proposed sale of this equipment and support will not alter the basic military balance in the region.''[3]
 
As the marketed range of the BP-12A is actually smaller than that of the ATACMS (280km vs. 300km), with the only significant difference being the warhead (480kg vs. 230kg), what held true for the ATACMS should effectively hold true for the BP-12A deal with China as well. Although there are rumours that suggest that the BP-12A's range in fact somewhat exceeds the limits imposed by the MTCR's 300km range guideline for export control (of which China isn't a signatory), this would do fairly little to extend its actual capabilities and still falls short of the ranges of ballistic missiles operated by both Saudi Arabia and the UAE.
 

Prior to the introduction of the BP-12A, Qatar's longest-ranged artillery assests consisted of several Egyptian Sakr and Brazilian ASTROS II multiple rocket launchers (MRLs). The Sakr, an Egyptian copy of the North Korean BM-11 MRL, was for a long time the only type of weaponry in Qatari service originating from a non-Western source. Nowadays Qatar operates several other types of non-Western weaponry, including AK-12 assault rifles, 9M133 Kornet ATGMs and 9K338 Igla-S MANPADS from Russia, FN-6 MANPADS acquired from China and Skif ATGMs purchased from Ukraine.


The BP-12A was first unveiled during the Zhuhai Airshow in 2010, and is a shortened variant of the B611 short-range ballistic missile (which is license-produced in Turkey as the J-600T Yıldırım alongside the B611M as Bora, or Khan, for export). The WS2400 chassis from which the BP-12A is launched can either carry two BP-12A SRBMs or eight SY-400 guided artillery rockets, or a combination of one BP-12A and four SY-400s.
 
The BP-12A missile carries a 480kg HE warhead to a range of at least 280km, making it ideally suited for targeting enemy troop concentrations and command posts located in the enemy's rear. [7] Although only the BP-12A is confirmed to be in use with the Qatari Land Forces, the SY-400 guided rockets with an estimated range of 200km can be seamlessly integrated in the future if they are not already in service with Qatar. Incorporating not only inertial, but also satellite guidance, the BP-12A also boasts increased effectiveness over older systems that use only the former with a Circular Error Probable (CEP) likely (well) below 50 metres.
 
To ensure that each launcher is never long without missiles, the TELs are accompanied by dedicated transporters (also WS2400-based) carrying two reloads each. To date, Qatar is the only known operator of the system, although its direct competitor (also Chinese) that uses M20 SRBMs and A200 guided artillery rockets has entered service with Belarus (under the designation of Polonez, rockets subsequently exported to Azerbaijan) and Ethiopia, where they recently saw action with Tigray seperatist forces against the Ethiopian military in the 2020 Tigray War. [8]

 
Qatar's acquisition of the BP-12A SRBM may easily be mistaken as an aggressive move on behalf of Doha (especially if you work for a UAE-funded think tank), posing a threat to the capitals of the KSA, the UAE and Bahrain and propelling the region into an arms race. From a slightly less narrow perspective, it fits a narrative of gradually escalating proliferation over the entire region, which has now culminated in another country attempting to level the playing field. In the shark-infested waters of a region where political allegiances can shift swiftly, and where the military balance leans ever more towards predators that manage to fend for themselves, the fact that these ballistic missiles pose a powerful deterrent is of course a benefit it will gladly welcome nonetheless. Now that ties are mending, the missiles in question may never be fired in anger at any of its neighbours, but remain simply as a stark remainder that a once defenceless guppy has suddenly sprouted teeth.

 
[2] Exclusive: Qatar makes formal request for F-35 jets - sources https://www.reuters.com/article/us-qatar-israel-jets-exclusive-idUSKBN26S37Q 
[4] Bahrain – M31 Guided Multiple Launch Rocket System (GMLRS) Unitary and Army Tactical Mission System (ATACMS) T2K Unitary Missile https://www.dsca.mil/press-media/major-arms-sales/bahrain-m31-guided-multiple-launch-rocket-system-gmlrs-unitary-and
[9] SCENESETTER FOR U.S.-OMAN JOINT MILITARY COMMISSION https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09MUSCAT273_a.html

Houthi Rebels Unveil Host of Weaponry, Compounding Drone and Missile Threat

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans  
 
Amidst a conflict that has by now outlived the comforts of its international participants, Yemen's Houthi rebels claim to have developed new missiles and drones to use on the Saudi-led Arab Coalition supporting the government. Much of the weaponry in question appears to be 'Made in Iran' and have been utilised before in combat in the previous months and years, and there is an obvious propaganda aspect to the exhibition for the purpose of which various types of weaponry now no longer in use have been held back. Nevertheless, the threat posed by the Houthi's ballistic missiles and UAVs is evidently escalating, at a time when the intervention seems to be essentially at a standstill.
 
The newly-unveiled 'Wa'aed' loitering munition, an Iranian type of loitering munition that strongly resembles those used in in the 2019 Abqaiq–Khurais attack on Saudi Arabia and several attacks on the country since.

 
The newly-unveiled Samad-4 unmanned combat aerial vehicle (UCAV) with two unguided projectiles under its wings. Although they are profilic users of loitering munitions, this is the first type of UCAV to enter service with the Houthis. Though its projectiles are unguided, it is still perfectly suited for attacking enemy bases, storage facilities and troop concentrations.
 


The newly-unveiled 'Khatif' loitering munition. This is the smallest type of loitering munition unveiled by the Houthis so far, and due to its short effective range is likely limited to targets inside Yemen.
 
 
The newly unveilved 'Shihab' loitering munition. Not much is known about this design other than that is clearly based on the Samad series of UAVs.
 

The 'Samad-2' loitering munition, which had already been unveiled in 2019.
 

A 'Samad-3' loitering munition (front) and a Samad-1 reconnaissance drone (rear). Like all of the aforementioned Samads, these are Iranian-designed as well.
 

Qasef-1 and Qasef-2K loitering munitions, which are based on the Iranian Ababil-2T UAV.
 

The newly-unveiled Mersad reconnaissance drone, which shares the same overall layout as the U.S. RQ-21 Blackjack small tactical unmanned air system.


The Rased-1 reconnaissance drone. Like several other ''indigenous drone designs'' unveiled by the Houthis before, this is actually a commercially obtainable model (Skywalker X8 UAV).
 

The newly-unveiled Rujum quadcopter that can be armed with up to six small mortar grenades. Perhaps unsurprisingly at this point, the Rujum is an imported civilian model (YD6-1000S) that has been adapted for military use.

 
The newly-unveiled 'Nabaa' surveillance quadcopter, which appears to be an imported civilian model as well.

 
The Houthis also unveiled a number of new guided rockets and missiles, including the 'Saeer' and 'Qasim' guided rockets, the 'Qasim-2' ballistic missile and the 'Quds-2' cruise missile. These were put on display alongside several proven designs already unveiled several years ago, these being the Badr-1 unguided rocket, the Badr-1P guided rocket, the Zelzal-3 artillery rocket and the Borkan-H2 and Qaher-M2 ballistic missiles.


The Borkan-H2 ([Components] supplied by Iran. Based on the Qiam ballistic missile).

 
The newly-unveiled 'Saeer' and 'Qasim' guided rockets.
 

The Zelzal-3 (a cannibalised 9M21 rocket of the 9K52 Luna-M system inherited from pre-war Yemeni Army stocks) is shown alongside various types of unguided rockets. Although the 9K52 Luna-M system had already been retired by Yemen before the Houthi takeover of the country, the latter set out to scavenge as many of the 9M21 rocket parts that hadn't yet been scrapped as it could and used these to produce two types of short-ranged artillery rockets out of them: The Zelzal-3 and the Samood. Owing to the limited parts available, only small numbers of each type were produced, and the example presented here was likely only shown for propaganda purposes.
 
 
The newly-unveiled Nakal ballistic missile, which appears to be an improved version of the Badr-F that was already unveiled back in April 2019. Contrary to most other missile designs unveiled by the Houthis in recent years, this missile has not yet been linked to a known Iranian design.
 
 
The newly-unveiled Qasim-2 ballistic missile.
 

The Qaher-M2 ballistic missile, which constitutes little more than a modified Soviet V-750 missile of the S-75 SAM system inherited from pre-war Yemeni Army stocks. After the Houthi takeover in Yemen, large numbers of V-750 missiles were repurposed as ground-to-ground missiles under the designation Qaher-1 and Qaher-M2. Almost all of these were subsequently spent in combat, and the display of the Qaher-M2 is closer to a propaganda stunt than a genuine attempt at showing off current capabilities.


The Zolfaghar ([Components] supplied by Iran. Based on the Qiam ballistic missile). This missile was earlier given the designation of Borkan-3 by the Houthis.




The newly-unveiled Quds-2 cruise missile, which is a variant of the Soumar family of cruise missiles supplied by Iran.


The Houthis also showcased no less than eleven naval mines. For more on the Houthi's usage of naval mines be sure to check out HI Sutton's article on Houthi naval capabilities.
 

The Karrar-3, the Asif-4, 3, 2 and 1 and the Thaqib

The Uwais

The al-Nazi'at

The Mujahid

The Karrar-1

The Karrar-2

The Karrar-3

The Shawaz and Thaqib

Various types of homemade sniper rifles and anti-materiel rifles (AMRs). Houthi rebels are profilic users of DIY anti-materiel rifles, which thanks to their heavy calibre can penetrate the armour of most infantry mobility vehicles (IMVs) currently in widespread use with opposing forces in Yemen.
 

Two 8mm Saarem sniper rifles (upgraded Yugoslav Zastava M48s) with bayonets fitted, an Iranian 12.7mm AM-50 AMR and a 12.7mm Khatef AMR

Another type of 12.7mm AMR designated as Khatef

Two 14.5mm Ashtars (left and middle) and a 23mm Zolfhagar-1 (right) AMR

A rear view of the two Ashtar AMRs

Another view of the Zolfhagar-1 with a 20mm Hasem AMR located directly behind it

The 30mm Qassem AMR, arguably the strongest and also the most cumbersome weapon of its kind in the world

A display of ''indigenous'' RPGs together with some of the types of rocket propelled grenades they fire. The much dreaded RPG-29 seems not to be the original Russian design, but rather an Iranian simplified copy that has meanwhile also found its way to Iraq and Syria. [1] Likewise, the RPG-7s are suspiciously similar to several designs previously intercepted on their way to Yemen from Iran, and were likely supplied outright rather than produced in Yemen.
 

Three ''indigenously-manufactured'' mortars were also put on display: The 60mm Rujoom-60, 82mm Rujoom-82 and 120mm Rojoom-120. Like the aforementioned RPG launchers, the mortars appear to be either Iranian designs or foreign designs delivered by Iran. The mortar rounds used by them might well have been indigenously produced however.
 
 
Special thanks to Calibre Obscura.
 


Disaster at Tarhuna: When Haftar Lost Another Stronghold In Crushing Defeat To The GNA

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans in collaboration with MENA_Conflictand COIN_TR

Forces loyal to Libya's internationally-recognised government (GNA) captured the city of Tarhuna on the 5th of June 2020, marking the official end of the Libyan National Army's (LNA) 14-month long offensive that aimed to capture the Libyan capital of Tripoli. Tarhuna, located some sixty kilometers south-west from Tripoli's city centre, was the last stronghold of Haftar in northwestern Libya, and by the virtue of its role as a giant supply depot for the LNA also the most important one. 
 
Already shortly after Tarhuna's capture by the GNA it became evident what years of occupation had meant for the city's residents. Under the control of the Kaniyat militia since April 2015, which pledged allegiance to Khalifa Haftar's LNA in April 2019, its men imposed a regime of terror on the local population. Since the Kaniyat militia first took over the city in 2015, local residents reported a total of 338 missing persons cases, the vast majority of which in the period between April 2019 to June 2020. [1] [2] The fate of many of these persons was elucidated after the discovery of some 30 mass graves in and around Tarhuna, including several with the remains of women and children in them. [1] Tragically, new mass graves continue to be found to this day. [3]

While most attention has justifiably gone to the large number of mass graves encountered around Tarhuna, this has meant that the massive losses of arms and equipment went largely unnoticed. Of course, the Libyan Civil War has seen a range of major arms hauls, but Tarhuna was of specific interest because it once again revealed the sheer number of types of arms and equipment supplied to the LNA by its foreign backers (Russia, the UAE, Jordan, France and Egypt) over the past several years. These included several types previously not known to have been supplied to the LNA, as evidenced later in this article.
 

The figures below are an conservative estimateof the ammunition captured; the real figures are believed to be much higher. The contents of at least 454 crates could not be identified. Small arms are not included in this list due to the small quantities recorded in the available footage, nor are derelict vehicles including aircraft and helicopters.

Ammunition:

- 249 cans of small arms ammunition.
- 139 cans of heavy machine gun ammunition.
- 211 rounds of PG-9/15 and OG-9/15 ammunition (for BMP-1 and SPG-9).
- 2 rounds of RPG-32 ammunition (for Nashshab RPG).
- 5 rounds of 82mm ammunition.
- 1 round of 84mm ammunition (for Carl Gustaf recoilless rifle).
- 3 rounds of 106mm ammunition.
- 32 rounds of 100mm ammunition (for T-55 tank).
- 8 rounds of 107mm ammunition (for Type-63 MRL).
- 122 rounds of 120mm ammunition. 
- 48 rounds of 122mm ammunition (for D-30 howitzer).
- 177 rounds of 122mm ammunition (for BM-21 MRL). 
- 18 rounds of 152mm ammunition.
- 35 Unidentified rocket boosters.
- 6 MON-50 anti-personnel mines.
- 16 MON-100 anti-personnel mines.
- 18 OZM-72 anti-personnel mines. 
- 12 TM-62 anti-tank mines.
- 4 Type-72SP anti-tank mines. 
- 4 TM-83 anti-tank mines. 
- 10 9M133 Kornet ATGMs.
- 3 FN-6 MANPADS.

 
Weaponry:
 
- 3 14.5mm ZPU-2s.
- 6 23mm ZU-23s.
- 5 82mm 82-BM-37 mortars.
- 2 106mm M40 recoilless rifles.
- 2 122mm D-30 howitzers.
- 1 122mm North Korean field-gun.
- 6 130mm M-46 field-guns.


Vehicles:

- 56 T-55As.
- 3 T-55Es.
- 17 T-62 Obr. 1972s.
- 1 T-62M.
- 2 T-62MVs.
- 1 T-72 'Ural'.
- 2 T-72M1s.
- 2 EE-9 Cascavels.
- 23 BMP-1s.
- 3 OT-62 TOPAS'.
- 2 Ratel IFVs.
- 1 122mm 2S1 Gvozdika SPG.
- 3 152mm 2S3 Akatsiya SPGs.
- 9 155mm Palmaria SPGs.
- 1 155mm M109 SPG.
- 1 107mm Type-63 MRL.
- 4 122mm BM-21 MRLs.
- 2 122mm North Korean MRLs modified to use 122mm rockets by the UAE.
- 1 Nimr Infantry Mobility Vehicle (IMV).
- 5 KADDB Al-Wahsh IMV.
- 3 MSPV Panthera T6 IMV.
- 1 MSPV Panthera F9 IMV.
- 4 Streit Group/KrAZ Cougar IMV.
- 3 Streit Group/KrAZ Spartan IMV.
- 2 (Armoured) front loaders.
- 88 Technicals (roughly 75% destroyed or damaged beyond economical repair).
- 3 HMMWV.
- 1 IVECO Trakker 380.
- 2 KAMAZ trucks. 
- 6 Trucks.


Helicopters:
 
- 1 Mi-35.
- 1 A109E.
- 3 AW139.
 
The combined contents of each can of small arms munition vastly exceeds what could be visibly counted, but by volume the total amount would equal roughly 164,000 rounds of 7.62x39mm or 109,000 rounds of 7.62x54mm, though it is likely a mixture of both.
 

Much of the captured ammunition was quickly taken away by their capturers, with technicals literally filled to the brim with ammunition crates and arguably more worryingly, mortar and artillery rounds that were taken out of their protective boxes.


Stashes of MON-50, MON-100 and OZM-72 anti-personnel mines and TM-62 and TM-83 anti-tank mines were found all throughout Tarhuna. All of these are believed to have been brought in by Russia for use with Wagner PMC, and quickly became notorious for the manner in which they were placed around what then were still LNA-held parts of Tripoli. Although planting mines to cover strategic avenues of approach or even the surroundings of the bases where Russian soldiers were located makes sense from a military perspective, Wagner ended up planting large numbers throughout several of Tripoli's suburbs shortly before it retreated from Tripoli. While the placement of some of these mines appears to have been a deliberate effort at slowing down the GNA, forcing it to divert significant resources into clearing them, others clearly had more sinister aims, supposedly even including a teddy bear IED that undoubtedly sought to kill the child grabbing it.
 


Some 175 rounds of 122mm rocket ammunition for BM-21 multiple rocket launchers (MRLs) were encountered in a storage hall. Contrary to keeping the rockets safely stowed in their wooden boxes, all of the rockets were dumped on big piles: a clear disregard for even the most basic of safety measures.
 

Heavy equipment now in the hands of the GNA: the T-62M and T-62MV are the first examples of their respective types to have been captured in Libya. Both the T-62M and T-62MV were delivered by Russia to the LNA in the past year, and were not present in the arsenal of the Libyan Army before the start of the Libyan Civil War. While the majority of arms and equipment brought to Libya by Russia was intended for use by Wagner, the T-62s were supplied outright to the LNA. The rather peculiar looking gun seen in the hands of the GNA directly below is a Chinese DHI-UAV-D-1000JHV2 anti-drone gun, which was also captured from the LNA. [4]
 

Russia is not the only country to have brought its tanks to Libya, as evidenced by the Egyptian-supplied T-55E below. Although Libya once fielded the second-largest tank force in Africa, most of these tanks were inoperational and left without spare parts in 2011. This led to the rather peculiar situation where a country with more than 2000 tanks stored in depots around the country had to ultimately rely on other countries to provide it with enough tanks for its needs. At least three T-55Es were captured around Tarhuna, with a fourth example (complete with a German AEG infrared spotlight) captured in a suburb of Tripoli some time before. [5]

 
Large numbers of tanks received by Libya during the 1970s and 1980s were captured as well. Much of the captured armour consisted of T-55s and T-62s, although at least three more modern T-72s were also encountered. It is unlikely that many of these were in working order at the time of capture, and some might already have served as a source of spare parts to keep other LNA tanks in Western Libya running.

 
More tanks and other types of AFVs were encountered at an armour storage and repair facility located just south of Tarhuna. Relegated to the unglamorous role of vehicle dumping ground after the 1990s, the LNA gladly made use of the facilities present to keep its own fleet of AFVs operational running after it took over the base in 2019.
 
 
Most of the armoured fighting vehicles that were captured here (including two Czechoslovak OT-62 TOPAS' seen in the image directly below) appear to have been inoperational for some time, with the T-55A that could be seen driven away by its capturers likely a rare exception.


Two Brazilian EE-9 Cascavel armoured cars were also captured. These were originally delivered to Libya in the late 1970s along with a batch of EE-11 Urutu APCs and saw heavy action during the Chadian–Libyan conflict before being retired somewhere in the early 2000s. After 2011, several of the factions warring for control over Libya managed to reactivate some EE-9s, and will surely continue to operate them as long as the supply of spare parts obtained from cannibalising other vehicles lasts.


Also captured were no less than 23 BMP-1s, although only a small number of these were operational at the time of capture, with most others likely requiring an overhaul and spare parts to become operational again. Given the numbers captured which could serve as a source of spare parts, reactivating some should be well within the GNA's abilities.


Two South African Ratel APCs (one being a Ratel 60, the other believed to be a Ratel 20), likely part of a batch delivered to Libyan rebels during the 2011 revolution. Both bear traces of extensive use, but noticably don't suffer from any flat tires. The Ratel 60 appears to have received a direct hit on its turret, but might still have been operated in a support role.


Also encountered were nine towed artillery pieces, including six 130mm M-46 field guns and two 122mm D-30 howitzers. These all appeared to be in working order, and were quickly taken away by their capturers.


A more interesting find (at least to us): one disabled North Korean 122mm field-gun that was clearly inoperational already for some time. This elusive gun serves as a reminder to the close ties once enjoyed between the DPRK and Libya, more on which can be read in our book on the Armed Forces of North Korea.

 
A single U.S. 155mm M109 self-propelled howitzer was also discovered. The delivery of these SPGs to Libya actually predates the Gaddafi-regime, but unlike the M113 APCs received during the same era, Gaddafi's military made little use of them. It would only be after the 2011 revolution that they saw active service again, including one example that was used by Libya Dawn against Islamic State forces in Sirte, October 2016. More on the history of these esoteric SPGs in Libyan service can be read here.


Almost equally rare as the M109 in Libya is the Soviet 152mm 2S3 Akatsiya SPG, around 50 of which arrived to Libya in the early 1980s. All of these had been placed in storage before the outbreak of the 2011 revolution, likely because of a lack of available spare parts with which to keep the small fleet in working order. Nonetheless, at least three examples that appeared to be operational were captured by the GNA in Tarhuna.


It only makes sense that Libya's most numerous SPG made an appearance as well: the Italian 155mm Palmaria self-propelled howitzer, nine of which were captured by the GNA. In post-2011 Libya, the Palmarias have mostly been used in the direct-fire role, most notably by Libya Dawn against entrenched Islamic State fighters in Sirte in 2016.

 
Captured 122mm BM-21 'Grad' multiple rocket launchers (MRLs) line the streets of Tarhuna. Also seen is a Chinese Type-63 107mm MRL mounted on a Toyota pickup truck, whose evacuation by the LNA was prevented by a blown tire.

 
In the process of shifting through the spoils encounted at Tarhuna, the GNA encountered a number of MRLs that were at the time completely unknown. The rocket pods are of the same type delivered to the UAE by Turkey's Roketsan to be installed on the massive Jobaria MRL. The truck and erection mechanism are more of an enigma however, unless one has prior knowledge of North Korea's arms deliveries to the UAE. The erection mechanism is then easily identified as the one used on North Korean 240mm MRLs acquired by the UAE in 1989. [7] The truck is also of note, being an uparmoured variant of the Italian Iveco 260/330.35 (also known as the ACP90). Excess to requirements in the UAE, the launchers were at some point modified to fire 122mm rockets and subsequently shipped to Libya for use with the LNA, which lost two of them along with several rocket pods in Tarhuna. More on North Korean armament in service with the UAE can be read in our article here.


Of course, any battle fought in Libya wouldn't be complete without the destruction of at least one Pantsir-S1 at the hands of a Bayraktar TB2. This example nicknamed 'Stroller' (a name likely given by its former Emirati operators) was targeted while hiding in a large shed on the 20th of May. [8] It is unknown if the GNA received intelligence that pointed to its presence there or if it was previously seen driving into the shed by a TB2 and later targeted. Interestingly, the LNA made no attempt to evacuate the badly damaged Pantsir-S1, and although suffering considerable damage it was later recovered by the GNA.


Some of the infantry mobility vehicles (IMV) to have fallen in the hands of the GNA, all of which were delivered by the UAE to the LNA in recent years. From top to bottom, a Streit Group/KrAZ Spartan, a Streit Group/KrAZ Cougar, a MSPV Panthera T6 and a MSPV Panthera F9. The LNA set out to modify several of these types with DIY armour, often centered around the wheels to protect them against small arms fire. However, on the vehicles captured in and around Tarhuna no such modifications were present.
 
 
A more exotic type of vehicle (at least in Libya) predates the delivery of large numbers of IMVs to the LNA, these being three HMMMVs that belonged to a batch of some 200 vehicles delivered by the U.S. to the newly reborn Libyan Army in 2012. [9] After 2014, each party set out to make the most out of the small numbers of operational HMMMVs in their control, some even upgrading them with 90mm cannons taken from the EE-9 armoured cars. [10]
 
 
At least nine trucks (but likely many more), were found abandoned or destroyed in and around Tarhuna, including a KAMAZ 6x6 truck delivered to the LNA by Russia. Two front loaders, one of which with armoured steel plating, were also captured. Also note the damaged Jordanian KADDB Al-Wahsh IMV just to the rear of the KAMAZ in the second photo.
 
 
When GNA forces reached Abou Aisha and its local airport on their way to Tarhuna, they not only encountered several reminders of the little-known aviation activities that once took place here, but also dozens of vehicles that were burned by the LNA shortly before they withdrew from the area, undoubtedly in an effort to prevent their capture by the GNA. However, closer inspection of the charred wrecks reveals that most technicals had already sustained (major) damage before they were burned, making it likely that this hangar was used as a storage area for vehicles that had sustained damage in the field.

 
Unbeknownst to many, Abou Aisha airport (also known as Fam Molga) was once the scene of a promising aviation industry known as the Libyan Italian Advanced Technology Company (LIATEC), established as a joint venture between Italy and Libya for a production assembly line and maintenance center for A109 and AW139 helicopters. [11] Opened in April 2010, only a small number of helicopters were ultimately assembled here before the 2011 revolution and the ensuing instability in the country put an end to what could have been the promising kickstart of an indigenous aviation industry.
 
 
While the LNA appears to have burned the vehicles in the first hangar to prevent their capture by the GNA, it left a Mi-24V/Mi-35 attack helicopter completely unharmed in the hangar next to it. Much like the Mi-24V captured intact at al-Watiya airbase two weeks prior, this example too appears to have suffered from a technical defect that prevented a flight out to an LNA-held airbase.
 
 
Now faced with the 'difficult' choice of either moving the Mi-35 to an airbase in Tripoli or Misrata, where the helicopter could be repaired and pressed into service with the badly-depleted GNA Air Force, or taking the helicopter for a drive behind the back of a car (i.e. joyriding), GNA fighters happily chose the second option.With their driving skills only matched by their wisdom in decision making, it didn't take long before they crashed the helicopter into a tree, causing a part of the right stub wing to fall off. The damaged helicopter was then transported to Mitiga airbase in Tripoli, but not before it had another collision on its way there, this time with a bridge.

 
Dusty traces of the activities that once took place at Abou Aisha: two fully-assembled AW139s (one for the Libyan Air Force, the other for the Libyan Ministry of Interior) and one AW139 that was still in the process of assembly when the 2011 revolution broke out, after which all further work at LIATEC was halted. One A109E, the only other type assembled at LIATEC, was also found dumped at the grounds of the airport. Ten other aircraft, seven of which cropdusters, made up the rest of the airport's flying inventory.

 
On the 6th of June GNA forces also gained control over Bani Walid, the elders council of which had agreed on a bloodless transition of the town to the GNA after the LNA had abandoned it. The local airport had previously been used to bring in supplies and equipment to LNA forces in Western Libya, a necessity after flight operations at al-Watiya had become nigh on impossible due to the introduction of Bayraktar TB2s to the Libyan theatre of war. [12] [13] To better accommodate large transport aircraft like the Il-76, Bani Walid's runway was lengthened to 3000 metres in early-to-mid 2020. Unfortunately for the LNA, its forces were routed from Western Libya only a month after the runway was finished, preventing them from getting much use out of it. 
 
For Wagner PMC the completion of the lengthened runway couldn't have come at a better time however, as its forces began their sudden withdrawal from Western Libya shortly after the runway had been finished. While most mercenaries retreated in what appeared to be endless convoys towards Sabha and al-Jufra located in Central Libya, others flocked to Bani Walid along with their heavy equipment for a flight out of Western Libya. This included several Pantsir-S1s and their supporting vehicles that were supplied to Wagner by the UAE. [14]
 

Also present at Bani Walid were eleven Czechoslovak Let L-410 Turbolet utility aircraft (out of 19 originally received in 1983). [15] In Libyan service these aircraft saw use as light transport aircraft and advanced trainers before the surviving fleet was abandoned at Bani Walid once spare parts for them ran out. Stored in a dry, desert environment that helped to preserve the aircraft from corrosion, no attempts were made to reactivate the fleet after the arms embargo on Libya was lifted in 2003 however.

 
With over 125 armoured fighting vehicles, including some eighty tanks and numerous aircraft and helicopters lost to the GNA, once could easily mistake the importance of Tarhuna's capture for a major arms haul rather than the loss of an important strategic stronghold for the LNA. In reality, much of the captured equipment needs repairs or spare parts to further serve in a conflict where a new way of fighting is being pioneered that has relegated most of this equipment to mere target practice: Bayraktar Diplomacy.
 
For the first time forced on the defensive to prevent further GNA advances into LNA-controlled territory, Haftar's aim of ruling the entirety of Libya appears more distant than ever. Indeed, the next victim of the conflict might not be another Pantsir-S1 air defence system or the loss of a strategic foothold, but Khalifa Haftar himself. Having poured billions of dollars, advanced weapon systems and manpower into Libya, the LNA's foreign backers might now finally demand to see real results for their investments.

Special thanks to Monitoring
 
[1] New mass graves in Libya’s Tarhuna demand accountability https://reliefweb.int/report/libya/new-mass-graves-libya-s-tarhuna-demand-accountability
[7] Inconvenient arms: North Korean weapons in the Middle East https://www.oryxspioenkop.com/2020/11/inconvenient-arms-north-korean-weapons.html  
[11] Finmeccanica and AgustaWestland JV in Libya; EUR 80 million Contract Signed for Ten A109 Power Helicopters http://www.defense-aerospace.com/article-view/release/65905/libya-buys-10-agusta-109s,-forms-jvc-(jan-18).html


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Small But Deadly - Turkish Fast Attack Craft In Service With Turkmenistan

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans
 
Turkmenistan almost certainly isn't the first nation that comes to your mind when you consider the naval balance in the Caspian Sea. Nonetheless, a continued naval build-up has meanwhile transformed the nation into the strongest naval power in the region, even surpassing Russia in this regard. This is in no small part due to Turkey's Dearsan Shipyard, which has supplied the Turkmen Naval Forces with almost the entirety of its modern inventory of vessels.
 
One of these ship classes is the FAC 33, one of the preciously few types of fast attack craft (FAC) in the world to have entered service in the past decade. Almost certainly owing to its small size and nation which is its operator, the FAC 33 is largely unknown outside the country in which it was designed: Turkey. Nonetheless, its sleek design and relatively light armament makes it stand out from other vessels in the same class. Its small size of 33 metres and choice of armament also makes it closer to a FAC than a missile boat, although both designations have become largely synonymous with each other since the advent of anti-ship missiles (AShMs).
 
Although certainly not the largest operator of FAC in the world (a title that rightfully belongs to North Korea), Turkey is one of the few countries that still actively designs new types today. These include anything from conventional hull designs to a catamaran-based design and even a surface effect ship (SES). When in 2013 the Presidency of Defense Industries (SSB) launched a tender for a new class of FACs to replace the ones currently in Turkish Navy service, it could make a selection out of close to 30 domestic designs. [1] While only half of all of these were offered as part of the Turkish Type FAC programme, it shows that the scope of this design craze can hardly be overestimated. In the end a slightly less unconventional (but equally good looking) design based on that of the FAC55 by STM was chosen.
One year after the beginning of Turkey's acquisition efforts, in 2014, Turkmenistan was also looking to strengthen its own Naval Forces through the introduction of a new type of FAC. By contrast however, it was not looking to replace an existing class of ships already in service, but rather to purchase a new one as part of an ambitious expansion plan that aimed to drastically transform the Turkmen Naval Forces into the most formidable fleet on the Caspian Sea. Considering the close cultural, economic and military ties enjoyed between Turkmenistan and Turkey, it is not at all surprising that Ashgabat looked to Turkey to bring this plan to fruition.
 
With plenty of Turkish shipbuilders to choose from, Turkmenistan eventually settled on Dearsan Shipyard, likely because it had a wide range of vessels on offer that perfectly suited the needs of the country. As an added benefit, several of Dearsan's designs are already proven and in the water. The most popular of these is the Tuzla class patrol boat, sixteen of which serve with the Turkish Naval Forces since 2011, and on which another class of ships for Turkmenistan would eventually be based. 
 
The contract for six FAC 33s was then signed with Dearsan in June 2014. [2] Construction of the first vessel commenced in July 2014, followed by its launch in January 2015 and delivery to Turkmenistan in July the same year. The remaining boats followed at three-month intervals, with deliveries completed in 2017. [2] The six vessels subsequently entered service with the State Border Service of Turkmenistan (often abbrevated to SBS or as it's known in Turkmenistan: Serhet Gullugy) as SG-119 Naýza, SG-120 Ezber, SG-121 Kämil, SG-122 (?), SG-123 Galjaň and SG-124 Gaplaň. In 2016, the ships participated in their first joint exercise Hazar-2016 (Hazar is the Turkic name for the Caspian Sea).

The FAC 33s measure 33 meters in length and are powered by two MTU M90 or MTU M93L diesel engines that provide power to two water jets, enabling the craft to build up speeds of 37+ or 43+ knots depending on the choice of engine. At a slightly slower speed the FAC 33 has a cruising range of 350 nautical miles (650 kilometres). [3] The armament suite consist of an 25mm Aselsan STOP remote controlled weapon station (RWS) in front of the bridge, two crewed 12.7mm machine guns on top of the bridge and two Marte Mk2/N anti-ship missiles installed on the aft portion of the ship.

 
Dearsan Shipyard – in a joint venture with Gülhan Shipyard – has become the main supplier of the State Border Service and the Turkmenistan Navy. To date, Dearsan Shipyard has delivered ten NTPB patrol boats (based on the Tuzla class), six FAC 33s, ten FIB 15 fast intervention boats, a 27-meter landing craft, one HSV 41 hydrographic survey ship and one tug to Turkmenistan. All but two of the combat vessels subsequently entered service with the Serhet Gullugy.
 
This is not to say that development of the Turkmen Naval Forces is forgotten. On the contrary, the Turkmen Navy is set to receive yet another design from Dearsan in the form of the Corvette C92 that is currently under construction at Türkmenbaşy, the hub of all Turkmen naval activities. The Turkmen Navy and State Border Service each have their separate bases and shipyards at this location, even featuring a massive crane that allows the FAC 33s (as well as the much larger NTPBs) to be lifted out of the water and placed ashore for easier maintenance.
 

Another product from Dearsan Shipyard that entered service with the Serhet Gullugy is the FIB 15, a class of fast intervention boats that can travel up to speeds of 40+ knots. Though much smaller and lighter at 15 metres length, forward armament on the ten vessels that entered service consists once again consists of a 25mm STOP RWS. Its characteristics make it well-suited for maritime interdictions, coastal patrols and harbour protection duties.
 

While the 25mm STOP RWS is perfect for engaging targets at close range, the targeting of enemy vessels at longer ranges requires a wholly different type of weaponry. On the FAC 33, this comes in the form of two Italian Marte Mk2/N AShMs. This subsonic sea-skimming missile uses inertial mid-course navigation through waypoints and active-radar terminal homing to target enemy vessels at ranges in excess of 30km. Though boasting a far smaller range than other anti-ship missiles like the Kh-35 and Exocet, it should be remembered that the Marte Mk2/N is a lightweight derivative of the Marte Mk2/S helicopter-launched AshM. [4]

Although on the FAC 33 in Turkmen service only two single launchers for Mk2/N AShMs are installed, a single launcher can easily be upgraded to a stacked twin, allowing the number of missiles of each FAC 33 to be doubled even though the deck footprint remains unchanged. If such an upgrade isn't already envisaged by Turkmenistan, it could be an attractive option as part of a future Mid-Life Update (MLU) increasing the firepower of the six ships at little cost.

 
The FAC 33s incorporate state of the art technology including multi-function display-equipped control stations and remote-controlled weaponry offering a high degree of automation. This also allows for a significant personnel reduction, and the number of crew is estimated not to surpass 12 on the FAC 33.
 

A unique feature of the FAC 33 is the slipway (also known as stern ramp) for a fast boat at the stern of the vessel. This does much to expand the scope of the ships, facilitating rapid interdiction and inspection of suspicious vessels. Although many modern FAC classes carry a small boat on their aft deck, these have to be put to water by a crane as a rule: an impossible undertaking when involved in a high-speed chase on the open sea.

 
Although still a relatively new design, the FAC 33 was already replaced in Dearsan's portfolio by an updated design known as FIB 33 (Fast Intervention Boat, 33 metres). Aside from offering a greater range and speed, the most obvious external differences are the lengthened superstructure and a revised placement of the two Marte Mk2/N AShMs on the aft of the ship. A new addition to the ship is a platform for two MANPADS on top of the bridge, but otherwise the armament suite is the same as that of its predecessor. 

The FIB 33 is not the only FAC currently on offer by Dearsan. The FAC 43 essentially constitutes a larger version of the FIB 33, and as such incorporates a more extensive radar suite and a larger armament suite in its design. The FAC 65 on the other hand fits in an entirely different class of vessels. Coming in at a much larger 65 metres, the FAC 65 is perhaps better referred to as a heavily-armed missile boat or corvette for not only its length, but also its heavy anti-air armament of eight VLS cells for VL MICA-M missiles.

 The FAC 33

The FIB 33

Offering a surprising range of capabilities for a compact design with small crew complement, the FAC 33 and its successor FIB 33 earn their title of 21st centure multi-purpose ships particularly well. As nations such as Pakistan and Bangladesh are currently in the process of renewing their fleets, Turkish designs such as these could prove attractive candidates for adoption. Closer to home, prospective customers could include Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan that are meanwhile becoming seriously outgunned by other nations sharing the Caspian Sea. One thing is certain: with almost 30 design on offer there will always be a ship to to fit the bill, no matter the requirements.

Tracking Arms Transfers By The UAE, Russia, Jordan And Egypt To The Libyan National Army Since 2014

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans

A comprehensive catalogue of weaponry and equipment supplied to the LNA can be found further down in this article.
 
Since the renewal of a civil war in Libya in 2014 a slow-burning yet at times surprisingly intense conflict has left its future in doubt, with multiple parties vying for control and their international backers not shying away from investing large sums of money to see a favourable result come about. Although a UN-imposed arms embargo (in place since February 2011) is meant to stop both sides from obtaining weapons and equipment, it has since been blatantly and consistently ignored by their foreign backers. A recently released UN panel of experts report aimed to document transgressions of this embargo since its instatement, primarily focusing on analysis of international shipments of arms and equipment by means of air transport. [1] The resulting body of work although painstakingly detailed in some aspects is a testament to shortcomings of this method, and is wholely lacking in competent imagery analysis, failing to note the delivery of a myriad of weapons systems and munitions, while misidentifying others. Its conclusions therefore are far off the mark essentially throwing Turkey as a foreign power in the region under the bus, while categorically ignoring serial offenders such as the UAE, Russia, Jordan and Egypt. This article aims to function as a counterpoint to UNSC's report not by refuting its contents (though a concise rebuffal can be found here), but by providing an actually comprehensive overview of arms transfers by the aforementioned parties to Libya's LNA since 2014.

But before addressing recent developments, it is insightful to consider the background of the conflict. Following a bout of political infighting that ensued the results of the 2014 Libyan parliamentary elections (which had a voter turnout of only 18%), Libya was effectively split in two separate zones.[2]In Eastern Libya, the House of Representatives (HoR) took office in Tobruk, appointing General Haftar as the commander of the Libyan National Army loyal to the HoR. The LNA would receive significant military support from the UAE, Russia, Jordan and Egypt (and to a lesser degree France). Meanwhile in Western Libya, members of the General National Congress formed their own government in the capital Tripoli, becoming what was known as the National Salvation Government. Commonly referred to as Libya Dawn, the National Salvation Government eventually handed power to the GNA interim unity government established in January 2016, which took office in Tripoli in March 2016. While the UN-recognised GNA led by President Fayez al-Sarraj was supposed to act as Libya's new governing body, the HoR withdrew its recognition of the GNA in March 2017, pledging to defeat the GNA and establish itself as the sole legimate government of Libya. [3] Unlike the LNA, Libya Dawn and later the GNA had to make do with little more than political support from across the globe, until Turkey intervened militarily on behalf of the GNA in the summer of 2019.
 
Already soon after the split of Libya into two warring sides, the UAE, Egypt and Jordan quietly began supplying the LNA with large amounts of weaponry, vehicles and even some aircraft. More advanced equipment secretely began entering the country too, including Chinese Wing Loong unmanned aerial combat vehicles (UCAVs) operated by the UAE on behalf of the LNA. For this purpose the al-Khadim airbase in Eastern Libya was extensively overhauled and refurbished, receiving new aircraft shelters and tarmac, munitions depots and personnel housing as well as the benefit of air defence coverage by MIM-23 Hawk SAM emplacements. Nevertheless, this strategy of equipping the LNA with large amounts of equipment rather than actually training a capable ground force has translated into little results on the ground. Although there was ample opportunity to ratchet up pressure on the GNA, which received no serious military support from any country whatsoever until 2019, this opportunity was essentially wasted, with the balance of powermostly remaining static while both parties focused on engaging extremist factions. That is not to say that there were no efforts at forcing a breakthrough, but despite escalating involvement, which as the conflict evolved began including even deployment of the infamous Russian Wagner PMC, no such breakthrough was ever effected. Instead, the UAE got for its investments the usual web of controversies that envelop combatants, which has included its implication in a deadly strike on a migrant detention centre as well as a drone strike which killed 26 unarmed cadets. [4] [5]

The UAE's and Russia's combined efforts ultimately failed to deliver the right amount and type of support that was required to enable a hodgepodge of militias united under the banner of the LNA to secure a victory in Tripoli. While a force of Russian-delivered tanks supported by Emirati-operated drones further backed by Russian artillery fire whilst under the cover of sophisticated Russian air defence systems, all operated by the UAE and Russia are an impressive force on paper, it is in fact only as effective as the soldiers that it supports. By not addressing the fundamental shortcomings of the highly irregular and untrained LNA soldier, these force multipliers had not much of a force to act upon, with the mediocre results mirroring the UAE's lack of a cohesive strategy in Yemen. 
 
When Turkey suddenly intervened on behalf of the GNA in the summer of 2019, the situation in Tripoli and Western Libya was quickly turned around by the effects of Bayraktar Diplomacy, leading to the loss of two major strongholds of the LNA in Western Libya: al-Watiya and Tarhuna. Faced with this new reality, the LNA's foreign backers suddenly went from being just a handful of kilometres away from securing the seat of power in Libya to having to scramble to prevent further GNA advances into LNA-held territory. What exactly the UAE's next course of action would entail became evident already shortly after the LNA's retreat from Western Libya.


Sticking to what it knows best, Abu Dhabi began to look for ways to further outsource the conflict to private military contractors (PMCs) to make up for the LNA's inefficiency in battle. The groundwork for increased mercenary participation in the conflict was already laid during the LNA's failure to advance in Tripoli in 2019, when the involvement of Wagner increased markedly and the UAE began to look for other powers to achieve a breakthrough. The UAE's search would take it to Erik Prince, who subsequently pitched two operations via Christiaan Durrant, both of which ultimately failed to materialise. [6] Other mercenaries include Chadian, Syrian and Sudanese fighters, some of which were lured on the false pretences of working as security guards in the UAE, only to be shipped off to Libya against their will. [7]
 
In these latter cases, mercenaries unsurprisingly proved to be ineffectual troops, merely suitable for holding defensive positions rather than enabling the offensive breakthrough the UAE was looking for. With little other forces available to outsource the war in Libya to, the UAE then faced a choice. It could significantly increase its backing for Wagner PMC, but in doing so potentially risking its preferential position as one of the U.S.' staunchest allies, possibly even facing the threat of sanctions. Alternatively, the UAE could use the failure of the Tripoli offensive as an excuse to slowly wind down its involvement in Libya and reach a breakthrough not on the battlefield but on the negotiation table. Undoubtedly bolstered by confidence in a U.S. government that was either unwilling or unable to act, Abu Dhabi boldly opted for choice number one, and doubled down on its support for the Wagner PMC.
 
In what constituted a drastic shift in the UAE's foreign policy of exclusively engaging in coalitions with the US and the NATO, Abu Dhabi quietly entered into alliance with Russia. In doing so, it essentially gave Russia free reign to establish a definite military foothold on the Southern border of NATO. The first effects of this were almost immediately noticable on the ground, as the UAE handed over its remaining Russian-made Pantsir-S1 missile systems to the LNA and later Wagner and opened its al-Khadim airbase in Eastern Libya to Russian Su-24 fighter-bombers (Russia had previously used its own Pantsir-S1s in November 2019 to shoot down two MQ-9 Reaper UAVs - one belonging to Italy, the other to the US - flying near Tripoli). [8] The frequently asked question whether the UAE directly funds Wagner PMC's deployment to Libya is thus entirely irrelevant, as it was the UAE's interference in Libya brought them there in the first place. Of course, the supply of advanced SAM systems to Wagner and the stationing of Su-24s on an Emirati airbase in Libya are all suggestive of some new play in the larger geopolitical game; a turning point for the UAE's ambitions in Northern Africa.

Interestingly, this turn of events appears to have been largely ignored in Western European and U.S. circles. In fact, while Turkey was harshly punished for its decision to acquire the Russian S-400 SAM system, the funding, deployment and equipping of what is essentially the Russian military on the doorstep of the Southern border of NATO by the UAE has so far been left without consequences. On the contrary, the UAE was green-lighted to purchase 50 F-35 stealth fighters as recently as November 2020. Of course, the lack of a clear U.S. policy on Libya during the Trump administration is hardly surprising, but the affair nevertheless raises serious questions about the consistency with which the U.S. deals with its allies.

 
The UAE's confidence in a U.S. government that was either unwilling or unable to act was further highlighted by several comments made by the its ambassador to the United States Yousef Al Otaiba in December 2020. [9] Speaking in response to critism from members in the US Senate regarding the UAE's involvement in Libya, the ambassador made several statements that are clearly false. This included, amongst others, the denial of a characterisation that could only be objectively described as incredibly apt:
 
As of 2021, the UAE is the only country in the world that housed foreign combat aircraft of both the United States and Russia at its airbases at the same time. Although the Su-24s (and MiG-29s) are officially operated by Wagner, it is an open secret that Wagner acts as the unofficial arm of the Russian military. This is evident by their equipment alone, as no other party can realistically operate (Russian-delivered) MiG-29s, Su-24s, Pantsir-S1s and other advanced equipment inside Libya. Of course, the near constant arrivals and departures of Russian Air Force Il-76s and Tu-154s to LNA airbases should alone be a strong indication that there is de facto Russian state involvement at play.


While most of the delivered weaponry and equipment would eventually be sighted in the hands of the LNA in Libya, or photographed after having been captured by the GNA, the UAE's tendency to source armament from many different countries has long resulted in a steady flow of information about its acquisitions of weaponry for use with the LNA in Libya or proxy forces in Yemen. While some of the information received by the authors comes from confidential sources, others are as simple as airport ground staff photographing planeloads full of weaponry and ammunition heading towards the UAE. As most of these aircraft contain munitions for weaponry that isn't in use with the armed forces of the UAE itself, it is safe to conclude that almost all of this ultimately ends up being used in Libya and Yemen. This practise also implicates several Western European countries in the process, as there appears to be surprisingly little interest in finding out the destinations of weaponry being moved through their ports and airports that is in fact clearly destined for sanctions-ridden Libya and Yemen.


In other cases, the UAE proved too inept or perhaps simply too unconcerned to remove the paint of munition crates it had supplied to Libya. [10] The fact that any traces of its involvement could easily have been obscured by the stroke of a paintbrush speaks volumes about the naive mindset with which the UAE is conducting its Libyan adventure. While nothing screams "illegal arms trade in process" more than shipment details obscured by dripping paint, at least it provides a modest degree of plausible deniability.

 
Equally inept were attempts made by Erik Prince to drastically alter the course of the Libyan Civil War. Founder of the Blackwater PMC that became notorious for committing serious human rights abuses in Iraq, including the 2007 Nisour Square massacre that killed 17 civilians, Erik Prince's efforts included setting up ill-conceived private military ventures supported by Mohammed bin Zayed, the UAE's crown prince. [11] From one such ventures project Opus was born, which Prince had handled by his associate Christiaan Durrant and the company he manages Lancaster 6. Opus was to achieve the breakthrough in Libya the UAE had been looking for, and the plan was as ambitious as it was unrealistic. Involving a small mercenary force centered around airmobile warfare operations, Durrant would end up buying three AS332L Super Puma transport helicopters from South Africa and six MD530FF and three AH-1F Cobra attack helicopters from Jordan. [11] The latter deal ultimately fell through over pesky Jordanians intending to uphold UN sanctions (as well as US law), preventing wild plans which would have included the whole gamut of support operations, such as a maritime unit tasked with tracking down weapons shipments by the GNA's supporters. [11] The fact that such shipments were at the time typically guarded by Turkish Navy frigates, which they were planning to face off with using Rigid Hull Inflatable Boats (RHIBs) armed with little more than light machine guns, was at this stage of planning glossed over. Perhaps more shockingly, Durrant also presented Haftar with a hitlist of ten Libyans the team was offering to kill. Some of those on the list were European citizens as well as people not living in Libya anymore, and the list actually included several pro-Haftar individuals, showing just how poorly informed and misguided Durrant's efforts were. [12]
 
A lack of proper equipment wouldn't bring a halt to Opus however, and after the mercenary force arrived in Benghazi in mid 2019 they were joined by three helicopters purchased from South Africa as replacements for the Jordanian AH-1s and MD530s. The helicopters in question were unarmedSA 341 Gazelles that had to be modified in Libya in order to be used as helicopter gunships however, and even then could only provide a fraction of the capabilities of the AH-1s and MD530s. Upon learning that the mercenaries brought with them three unarmed helicopters instead of the nine attack helicopters he was promised and had paid $80 million for, Haftar became enraged and threatened the mercenaries. [11] The latter fled the country for Malta only a few days after their arrival to Libya, using the same two RHIBsthat they had envisioned imposing a naval blockade on GNA-held Libyawith. So came to an end an affair that was only surpassed in its audacity and potential significance by the sheer arrogance and stupidity of its design.

Even though Christiaan Durrant subsequently released a statement in which he claimed that ''We don't breach sanctions; we don't deliver military services, we don't carry guns, and we are not mercenaries'', these authors have received information and photos indicating that Durrant made several more attempts to obtain combat aircraft, including a bid to acquire Su-25 ground-attack aircraft from TAM in Georgia in March 2019. [13] Of course, the evidence already presented against him through several investigative reports is already sufficient to establish his role in attempting to overthrow the internationally-recognised government of Libya, but his tendency to leave a trail of evidence everywhere he went will surely aid UN investigators in uncovering the full scale of his illicit activities. If found guilty, Durrant could face a travel ban, freezing of all of his assets and up to ten years of jail in Australia. Although the deal to acquire the Su-25s ultimately never went through, there should be little doubt that all were destined for a conflict-ridden area where their arrival would have breached multiple sanctions.
 

Christiaan Durrant (Right) seen shaking hands with TAM CEO Vaja Tordia (Left) in one of the company's factory halls in Tblisi, Georgia, March 2019.

While Erik Prince's and Christiaan Durrants' influence on the course of the Libyan Civil War appears to have amounted to little more than a temporary spike in Khalifa Haftar's blood pressure, other countries began to deliver increasing amounts of military equipment to make up for the inefficiency of the LNA's military apparatus. These deliveries reached Libya by sea, land (through Egypt) and air. In the case of the latter, both the UAE and Russia maintained air bridges using mainly chartered Il-76s, Russian Air Force Il-76s and UAE Air Force C-17A Globemaster III transport aircraft. Many of the flights landed at Sidi Barrani airbase in Western Egypt, near the border with Libya, or at al-Khadim airbase in Libya itself.

A comprehensive list of the supplied weaponry, vehicles, ammunition and equipment can be viewed below. This list doesn't include (up-armoured) Toyota pickup trucks delivered en masse to the LNA, and cargo aircraft that are used to deliver equipment to Libya but otherwise are not operating there. Although deliveries of armoured vehicles are easy to track, items like ammunition are a lot more difficult to pin down and therefore underrepresented in this list. A year in square brackets after the designation refers to the year the equipment was first seen (in Libya) in, which more often than not is also the actual delivery date. When the type of equipment is operated by a party other than the LNA, the actual operator is written in italic. The origins of equipment is denoted by a little flag next to each entry (see the legend on the right) – in case of Project Opus the flag of the UAE is also used as this is where the company behind the operation (Lancaster 6) is located. When the source of the equipment is unknown the flag is in a form of a question mark. Click on the equipment to get a picture of them in Libya.
 

Tanks

 

Armoured Fighting Vehicles

  • BRDM-2 [2017] [Acquired by the UAE from Ukraine]
 

Armoured Personnel Carriers

 

Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected Vehicles (MRAPs)

  • BAE Caiman [2016] Delivered in two configurations: (2)[Acquired by the UAE from the United States]
  • JAIS N35 4x4 [2017] Delivered in two configurations: (2)
  • Valkyrie [2020] (Operated by Wagner PMC)
 

Infantry Mobility Vehicles

 

(Self-propelled) Mortars

 

Towed artillery


Multiple rocket launchers


Anti-tank guided missiles

  • 9M113 Konkurs [2020]
  • 9M133 Kornet [2020] [Acquired by the UAE from Russia]
  • FGM-148 Javelin [2019] (Operated by France on behalf of the LNA)
  • Missing flag.pngDehlaviyeh [2020] [Origin unknown. Likely captured by the UAE in Yemen and sent to Libya or acquired by Sudan from Iran]
 

Anti-aircraft guns

 

Surface-to-air missile systems

  • S-125[2020] (Acquired by the UAE from Belarus)
  • Pantsir-S1 [2019] (First operated by the UAE on behalf of the LNA. Now used by the LNA and Wagner PMC)
  • MIM-23 Hawk [2019](Deployed by the UAE to Libya in late 2019 to protect al-Khadim airbase in Eastern Libya)
  • MIM-104 Patriot [2020] (Deployed by the UAE to Libya in January 2020 to protect al-Khadim airbase in Eastern Libya. Returned to the UAE after U.S. pressure)
  • Pantsir-S1M [2019] (Operated by Wagner PMC. Used to shoot down two MQ-9 Reaper UAVs, one Italian, the other US, in November 2019)
     

Radars and Jammers

 

Unmanned Aerial Vehicles

  • Schiebel Camcopter S-100 [2016] (Operated by the UAE on behalf of the LNA)
  • Wing Loong [2016] (Operated by the UAE on behalf of the LNA)
  • Wing Loong II [2019] (Operated by the UAE on behalf of the LNA)
  • Yabhon [2019] Delivered in two configurations: (2)
  • Orlan-10 [2016] Delivered in two configurations: (2)(Operated by Wagner PMC)
  • ZALA 421-16Е [2020] (Operated by Wagner PMC)
  • Mohajer-2 [2017] (Likely acquired by Sudan from Iran)
  • Missing flag.pngAbabil-2 [2020] [Origin unknown. Likely acquired by Sudan from Iran or transported from Iran via Syria to Libya]
 

Helicopters

 

Fighter Aircraft

  • MiG-21MF [2014]
  • MiG-23[2017] (Delivered to serve as sources of spare parts for Libyan MiG-23s)
  • MiG-29S[2020] (Operated by Wagner PMC. Former Russian Air Force aircraft)
  • Su-24M[2020] (Operated by Wagner PMC. Former Russian Air Force aircraft)
  • AT-802i [2016] (Operated by the UAE on behalf of the LNA)
  • Missing flag.pngMirage-2000 [2019] (Operated by the UAE or Egypt, on behalf of the LNA out of Sidi Barrani airbase in Western Egypt)
 

ISR Aircraft

  • PC-6 ISR [2019] (Operated by Lancaster 6. Used for surveillance and intelligence gathering)

 

Cargo and VIP Aircraft

 

Naval Vessels

 

Trucks, Vehicles and Jeeps


Small Arms


Munitions

 

Miscellaneous Items


Acquisitions Still in Progress

  • Mi-35M4 (To be acquired by the UAE from Brazil. Status of deal unknown)
  • CH-4B (To be acquired from Jordan. Status of deal unknown)


Deals that fell through

  • LASA T-Bird [2019] (Acquired by Lancaster 6 but forced to leave Jordan before it could deploy to Libya)
  • An-26 [2019] (Acquired by Lancaster 6 but forced to leave Jordan before it could deploy to Libya)
  • MD530FF [2019] (To have been acquired by Lancaster 6 from Jordan. Deal fell through)
  • AH-1F 'Cobra' [2019] (To have been acquired by Lancaster 6 from Jordan. Deal fell through)
  • T-72M1 [2017] (To have been acquired by Jordan from Poland. Deal fell through) 
 
Although certainly an impressive list on paper, none of the weaponry in it succeeded in achieving the breakthrough the LNA and its foreign backers were so desperately looking for. After the GNA stopped its breakout out of Tripoli just short of Sirte, the balance on the ground quickly fell back into a stalemate situation that has perhaps best characterised the Libyan conflict, leading to renewed calls to achieve a political solution to the conflict. These concerted efforts finally paid off on the 16th of March 2021, when the GNA formally handed over power to the interim Government of National Unity (GNU), kickstarting a complicated process to end years of civil war and lead elections scheduled for December 2021. Many of the factions in the country are likely reluctant towards surrendering the power and influence they built up over the last years however, and with foreign powers still deeply involved in the entrenched conflict, how successful the GNU will be in restoring stability to Libya remains to be seen.
 
The implications of the international support for Libya's warring parties far exceed the scope of the Libyan War however. With a new U.S. administration in power that seeks to rapidly break with the policies of the Trump administration, the foreign parties in this conflict suddenly run a renewed risk of political escalation as a result of their past actions. To the UAE, the fact that it now finds itself in open support of a force that has clashed with the U.S. armed forces on more than one occasion (most notably in the 2018 Battle of Khasham in Syria) could mean it has overplayed its hand. Losing the blessing of its traditional ally and still one of the most influential entities in the region could have drastic consequences, not in the least for the purchase of 50 F-35s it managed to secure in the last hours before Biden's inauguration. For now, the UAE might deem the costs of its Libyan adventures worthwhile. The current geopolitical climate is unpredictable and treacherous however, and it might soon be faced with the reality that more than mere monetary costs are at stake.
 


[1] Letter dated 8 March 2021 from the Panel of Experts on Libya established pursuant to resolution 1973 (2011) addressed to the President of the Security Council https://undocs.org/Home/Mobile?FinalSymbol=S%2F2021%2F229&Language=E&DeviceType=Mobile 
[4] Libya migrant attack: UN investigators suspect foreign jet bombed centre https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-50302602
[5] UAE implicated in lethal drone strike in Libya https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-53917791
[6] The fighter pilot, the mercenary boss, and the warlord: a modern Libyan war story | Four Corners https://youtu.be/yVc7cHG0ATs
[7] Recruited as Security Guards in the UAE, Deceived into Working in Conflict-Ridden Libya Instead https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/11/01/recruited-security-guards-uae-deceived-working-conflict-ridden-libya-instead 
[8] Lead Inspector General for East Africa And North And West Africa Counterterrorism Operations I Quarterly Report to the United States Congress | July 1, 2020 - September 30, 2020 https://www.dodig.mil/Reports/Lead-Inspector-General-Reports/Article/2427451/lead-inspector-general-for-east-africa-and-north-and-west-africa-counterterrori/ (page 40)
[10] Chinese GP6 guided artillery projectiles in Libya https://armamentresearch.com/chinese-gp6-guided-artillery-projectiles-in-libya/  
[11] Erik Prince and the Failed Plot to Arm a Warlord in Libya https://theintercept.com/2021/02/26/erik-prince-jordan-libya-weapons-opus/
[12] Mission Implausible: The Harebrained (Alleged) Erik Prince-linked Operation in Libya https://libyamatters.substack.com/p/mission-implausible-the-harebrained?r=e0mx3
[13] The fighter pilot, the mercenary boss, and the warlord: a modern Libyan war story | Four Corners https://youtu.be/yVc7cHG0ATs?t=2446

Special thanks to Calibre Obscura.

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We are Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans, two military analysts devoted to investigating and sharing the ins and outs of conflict research, open-source intelligence and the occasional obscure piece of military history. Our independent research allows us to do objective analyses and uncover stories that might be unpalpable to other outlets, without sacrificing detail or accuracy in pandering to a broader audience. 
 
Unfortunately, it is also precisely this format that makes for a very unprofitable model - in turn leading to an inconsistent output of articles. By supporting us on Patreon, you help ensure we can devote more of our time to our blog, and release our articles on a more frequent basis. In the long run, we aspire to write articles about Venezuela, Vietnam, Central and South-East Asia, and expand our coverage on Syria, Iran, Cuba, Africa and the Gulf region. We appreciate any help that we can get that’ll allow us to stride closer to this goal! 
 
 

Ivory Coast’s Su-25s - The Sharks Won’t Bite Again

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By Stijn Mitzer and Joost Oliemans

Saturday, the 6th of November 2004. Two Su-25UBs of the Force Aérienne de la Côte d'Ivoire (FACI) strafe a French peacekeeper camp in Bouaké. As sudden as the unprovoked attack had commenced its tragic results would become palpable: the deaths of nine French soldiers and another 31 wounded. This grave provocation would ultimately lead to the destruction of the FACI and have drastic repercussions for Côte d'Ivoire for years to come.Just hours after the attack, all that remained of its fledging air arm was a smoldering heap of junk.
 
The events leading up to this tragedy began to unfold on the 19th of September 2002, when the government of Laurent Gbagbo found itself in a precarious situation after the rebel umbrella organisation Mouvement Patriotique de Côte d'Ivoire (MPCI) took control over much of the northern part of the country, effectively splitting Ivory Coast into two. Also captured was Bouaké airbase, which was home to six inoperational Alpha Jet light attack aircraft. Its confidence bolstered significantly by the capture of the jets, the MPCI boldly threatened to reactivate the Alpha Jets to use them against their former owners which having no combat aircraft of its own could offer little to counter this threat. [1]
 
The speed with which the uprising spread throughout the country caught local security forces by complete surprise. Faced with an insurrection now spreading southwards to the capital Yamoussoukro and the country's largest city Abidjan, France intervened as part of Operation Licorne to evacuate all foreign citizens still present in the country. Making clever use of a ceasefire brokered by Paris, Gbagbo's government used the pause in fighting to launch an ambitious re-equipment programme that sought to transform the FACI into the strongest air force in the entire region.
 
Belarus and Bulgaria were quick to come to Gbagbo's aid, which resulted in the delivery of four Su-25s, one Mi-8 and at least two Mi-24s from Belarus as well as two MiG-23MLDs, two Mi-8s and two Mi-24s from Bulgaria. [1] Curiously, both MiG-23s were loaded back onto the An-124 that delivered them and flown to Lomé, Togo, where they were impounded by local authortities and stored outside. Côte d'Ivoire also acquired two BAC Strikemasters, which were flown by a French private military contractor who obtained them from Botswana (via Malta). Additionally, Romania delivered four IAR-330 helicopters, and Israel delivered two Aerostar UAVs for reconnaissance. For transport of equipment and manpower, the FACI could rely on an An-12 flown by a Ukrainian crew. [1]
 

The Su-25s, comprising two Su-25 single-seaters and two Su-25UB dual-seaters, were delivered in 2002 and came directly from Belarusian Air Force stocks. [1] The single seaters received the serial numbers '02' and '03' while the dual seaters were assigned serials '20' and '21'. Interestingly, '21' was equipped with what appear to be armour plates on the sides of the rear cockpit not unreminiscent of those seen on the MiG-23BN and MiG-27. To the authors' best knowledge, these are an unique feature of this Su-25 and have never been seen on any other Su-25 worldwide. Another unique addition (at least in this particular arrangement) were chaff and flare dispensers, which again only equipped '21'. 
 
 
Teething problems

While the two dual-seaters entered service in early 2003, the process of assembling the two single seaters appears to have run into a number of teething problems (pun intended) and work on them progressed slowly. It is entirely possible that both aircraft were deemed excess to requirements already before their delivery to Ivory Coast, a fact that might have also been the reason for returning the MiG-23MLDs right after their delivery. In any case, neither aircraft was operational at the time of France's intervention in late 2004.
 

All four Su-25s were adorned with the sharp-toothed sharkmouth markings applied to nearly every FACI combat aircraft and helicopter since the early 2000s (and even to some jeeps). The result is what can described as one of the most menacing liveries to have ever roamed the skies. While these particular sharkmouths are often thought to be an unique feature of aircraft and helicopters belonging to Ivory Coast, they actually originate from Belarus, which first began to apply them to some of its Mi-24 helicopters in the 1990s. As Ivory Coast began to receive Mi-24s from the same source in the early 2000s, the 'sharkmouth trend' was evidently well-received and thus continued.
 
 
During their nearly two years of active operations, the Su-25s primarily operated out Yamoussoukro while jointly flown and maintained by a mix of Belarusian and Ivorian pilots and technicians. Since some of the Ivorian pilots appeared to be quite old, it can presumed that they were former Alpha Jet pilots. The activities of the Belarusians and Su-25s at Yamoussoukro were closely monitored by the French Army, which shared the local airport with the mercenaries and their menacing mounts.

 
The beginning of the end

Strengthened by his new arsenal of combat aircraft, Gbagbo first acted against the rebels on the 4th of November 2004, when the Su-25UBs began bombing rebel positions in the north in spite of the ceasefire in place. Apart from targeting ammunition depots and hideouts of key rebel leaders, the air attacks reportedly left a high number of civilian casualties. [2] These sorties continued until two days later, when on the 6th of November the two Su-25UBs bombed and rocketed a clearly marked French peacekeeper camp in Bouaké. The resulting tragedy claimed the lives of nine French soldiers and one American missionary, with dozens more soldiers injured.
 
Then, in what can only be described as an act of sheer lunacy, the mixed Belarusian-Ivorian crew of the Sukhois returned to Yamoussoukro airport, which they now happened to share with a very angry bunch of French paratroopers. Apparently deciding it was best to act as if nothing had happened, both aircraft taxied to the ramp for refuelling and rearming. Around the same time in Paris, the French High Command had just received the news of the attack and ordered the entire FACI neutralised in response, beginning with the two Su-25s at Yamoussoukro. [1]
 
 
The paratroopers in Yamoussoukro immediately sprung into action, firing two MILAN anti-tank guided missiles (ATGMs) against the aircraft while they were still in the progress of being refuelled and rearmed. The resulting damage was severe: Su-25UB '20' had its canopy blown off while the missile that hit '21' ripped off a part of the nose section. In Abidjan, the two non-operational single seaters were captured by French forces and disabled for future use along with the two Aerostar UAVs, which had their wings broken. The culmination of these events left Ivory Coast and France on a war footing, resulting in a number of clashes with a death toll ranging from 20 to 60. [3] The location of the base was later found to be marked on the map of the pilots, putting the blame solely with the FACI and its poor choice of mercenaries. [1]
 

French bureaucracy
 
Already on the same day as the attack on the peacekeeper camp, French soldiers arrested fifteen Belarusian, Russian and Ukrainian mercenaries working for the FACI in Abidjan, before unexplainedly releasing them four days later. [4] [5] Ten days later, on the 16th November, eight Belarusians claiming to be "agricultural engineers" were arrested by Togolese authorities after entering the country from Ivory Coast. Local authorities quickly figured out the link between the men and the attack on the peacekeeper's camp and notified France it had the likely perpetrators in custody. For reasons that remain unknown to this day, France then passed the chance to attain justice and Togo could do little but to allow the group to return to Belarus.
 
However, in what can only be described as a textbook example of French bureaucracy, France ultimately decided it was going to prosecute the pilots in March 2021 after all of seventeen years (!) after the attack occurred. Though its opportunity to properly persecute the perpetrators seems to have passed, the three surviving pilots, comprising two Ivorians pilots and one Belarusian pilot, will now face trial in absentia in France (two other pilots implicated in the attack have since passed away). The fact that a only a maximum of four pilots could have flown the Su-25UBs during the attack means that one of the five pilots believed to be the perpetrators by France is actually completely innocent. Nonetheless, tried for murder, the surviving three may be sentenced life imprisonment in absentia. [4] [5]
 

In late 2004, the two damaged Su-25UBs were brought to Abidjan Houphouët-Boigny IAP, where they joined the two Su-25 single-seaters that had sustained minor damage as a result of French reprisals. It appears that Ivory Coast was interested in bringing the aircraft back into service, but any attempt at doing so would have required parts or entire subsections to be brought in from abroad, something the arms embargo imposed on Ivory Coast obviously prevented. As a result, the Su-25s continued to languish in the air force hangar. [1]

 
The associated weaponry and munitions that were left at Yamoussoukro airbase were subsequently taken to the former palace of the late first president of Côte d'Ivoire, Félix Houphouët-Boigny in Yamoussoukro. Here they remained forgotten until discovered by forces loyal to the current President Alassane Ouattara in April 2011 during the Second Ivorian Civil War.


An endangered species
 
Presumably in an effort to free up space inside the hangar, the four Su-25s along with the two BAC Strikemasters, three Mi-24s and support equipment for the Su-25s were moved outdoors in 2015. This was perhaps indicative of their eventual fate, as the badly damaged airframes were now completely exposed to weather elements, with rain freely entering the open cockpits and damaged fuselages of the Su-25s. Their later whereabouts remain unknown, but it may be presumed that all were moved to a local scrapyard and disposed of.
 

 
While the FACI has recently reintroduced several Mi-24s adorned with the distinctive sharkmouths into active service, the four Su-25s appear to have ended their unglamorous career in the claws of an excavator to be dismantled for scrap metal. Whether the Côte d'Ivoire will ever attempt to field a small fleet of jet aircraft again will undoubtedly be tied to the country's operational requirements and finances. Rest assured though they will surely feature sharkmouths. 
 
 
[1] African MiGs Volume 1: Angola to Ivory Coast https://www.harpia-publishing.com/galleries/AfrM1/index.html 
[4] Bombardement de Bouaké: trois pilotes jugés par défaut et une énigme intacte https://www.africaradio.com/news/bombardement-de-bouake-trois-pilotes-juges-par-defaut-et-une-enigme-intacte-183787
[5] Côte d’Ivoire : le bombardement des soldats français à Bouaké devant les assises de Paris https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2021/03/28/cote-d-ivoire-le-bombardement-des-soldats-francais-a-bouake-devant-les-assises_6074733_3212.html
 

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